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Robert Stiles, Four years under Marse Robert 2 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 1, 1860., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: April 4, 1864., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
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Robert Stiles, Four years under Marse Robert, Index. (search)
e war, 39-41, 44-45, 48; before the war, 30-31; during the war, 41, 82, 119-20, 154, 211-12, 237, 239, 294-96, 299, 318-19, 340; Lee Monument in, 300; Lee's house in, 357; Second Presbyterian Church in, 318 Richmond Examiner, 74 Richmond Fayette Artillery, 81 Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad, 127 Richmond Howitzers, 31-335 passim. Richmond Howitzers Glee Club, 49, 86, 268-69, 296 Richmond Howitzers Law Club, 49 Robertson, Frederick William, 92 Rodes, Robert Emmett: description of, 261-62; mentioned, 192, 197, 209-10. Roll of Honor, 343-44. St. George's Church, Fredericksburg, Va., 139-40. St. George's Church, New York, N. Y., 92 St. Paul's Church, Richmond, Va., 92 Salem Church, Battle of, 174-79, 213 Sassafras, 162 Savage Station, 64, 94-98, 116-17. Savannah, Ga., 78, 229, 275, 317 Sayler's Creek, 261, 318, 326-35, 351 Schele DeVere, Maximilian, 51 Scott, Thomas Y., 292-93. Scott, Winfield, 36-37. Scribner's, 210
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
side of the Free Soilers, hardly realized the nature of the issue; but February had not advanced far before the alarm and indignation were general. The first important popular protest came from a meeting of the business men of New York, January 30, most of whom had supported the Compromise of 1850, held in the Broadway Tabernacle. Among the letters read at the meeting was one from Sumner. Another large meeting was held at the same place March 14, which was addressed by John A. King, Robert Emmett, William Curtis Noves, and William C. Bryant. Nowhere did the feeling become more intense and pervasive than in Massachusetts. The Whig journals, allied to the commercial interest, though reserved in any discussion of the evils and wrong of slavery itself, contended in elaborate and earnest articles that the Nebraska bill was a breach of faith, and that the Compromise of 1850, instead of superseding, as Douglas pretended, only strengthened and affirmed the Missouri prohibition. The A
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Life, services and character of Jefferson Davis. (search)
iple in the lead, and himself anywhere that would best support it. Representative men interpret the genius of peoples. Personal virtues and public services are so different in essence and effect, that nations often glorify those whose private characters are detestable, and condemn others who possess the most admirable traits. The notorious vices of Marlborough stood not in the way of the titles, honors, and estates which England heaped on the hero of Blenheim, and the nobleness of Robert Emmett did not shield the champion of Irish independence from the scaffold. But the men of history cannot be thus dismissed from the bar of public judgment with verdicts wrung from the passion of an hour. There is a court of appeals in the calmer life and clearer intelligence of nations, and whenever the inherent rights or the moral ideas underlying the movements of society are brought in question, the personal qualities, the honor, the comprehension, the constancy of its leading spirits m
The Daily Dispatch: November 1, 1860., [Electronic resource], Correspondence of the Richmond Dispatch. (search)
if she should presume, as she dare not, to set up any such nonsensical apology as a vindication at the bar of public opinion, how would she relish its application to herself in the case of Ireland.--Suppose that impoverished and oppressed people, who have suffered at the hands of England a thousand fold more than the people of Italy have suffered from any of their rulers, should again revolt, as they have often revolted what would she think of an Irish Garibaldi? Let the gallows on which Robert Emmett and other patriots suffered answer! And how would she regard the volunteering of Frenchmen, Italians and Americans under this Irish Garibaldi's banner; and what would she think of a French or American national vessel which should land its men, under pretence of a day's leave of absence, to work the guns of the rebels and batter down her strongest fortifications? Yet this is precisely her own course towards the friendly power of Naples. Let our countrymen remember these facts, and avai
not been exercised since the revolution. The Fayetteville Observer has been at parlor to ascertain the number of times the habeas corpus has been suspended since that period, and the result is anything but complimentary to Gov. Brown's historical proficiency. Between 1689 and 1794, it had been suspended nine times. It was suspended throughout the British Isles in that year. In 1798 it was suspended in Ireland during the rebellion, and again in 1803, during the insurrection headed by Robert Emmett. During the remainder of George 3d's reign it was several times suspended in England, and again during the reign of George 4th in 1822. Gov. Brown surely recollects the commotions in Ireland, about fifteen years ago, and the suspension of the writ during the time of their continuance. Indeed, it is the first thing a Minister does when there is trouble in the country, and would no more affect the safety of the throne than any ordinary act of parliament. With regard to the law of la