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ur exports are not wanted we can live within ourselves, and it shall be prohibited to send them abroad. Let them try that, and if England breaks the blockade for cotton, rice, and tobacco, make her say Please, sir, under the guns of our forts before she shall have a pound of any thing. Among all the extraordinary events of the last few months, the most surprising, the most marvellous, and the most fearful, is the palpable revelation that the people of the free States, high and low, from Everett and Cushing to the lowest Zouave, including Meagher, were fully ripe for a military despotism. They have accepted it without a moment's hesitation, given their Constitution to the winds, rushed into its embrace, and surrendered themselves without a murmur and without reserve, to the power of a man who is known to have no experience in arms or government, and who has shown himself to be a blackguard, a liar, and a coward. Such stupidity and baseness are without parallel in human history.--
act of resistance to the law is treason to the United States; the decisions of some of the most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only. But I do wish to inquire of my colleagues, if they have seriously reflected on the consequences of secession, should it come? Do you expect (as I have heard some of you declare) that the power and influence of Virginia are such that you will have peaceable
Doc. 111 1/2.-the dark day. By Edward Everett. There probably never was a military disaster, of which the importance was more unduly magnified, than that of the 21st of July in front of Manassas. After a severe and protracted encounter between the two armies, which, it is admitted, was about to terminate in a drawn battle, if not even in favor of the United States, the Confederates were largely reinforced, a panic arose on the part of the teamsters and civilians following in the train of our forces, the alarm gradually spread to the troops, a retreat commenced, and ended in a general rout. The losses of the enemy in the mean time were equal to our own; he was unable to pursue our flying regiments, and they reoccupied, unmolested, the positions from which (from political reasons, and against the judgment of the Commander-in-chief) the premature advance was made. A month has since elapsed; the army of the United States has passed through the terrible ordeal of the return of the
eace and union on the basis of the Constitution — there be appointed a committee of one member from each State, who shall report to this House, at its next session, such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall assuage all grievances, and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity; and that, for the preparation of such adjustment and the conference requisite for that purpose, there be appointed a commission of seven citizens of the United States, consisting of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and James Guthrie, of Kentucky, who shall request from the so-called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville on the first Monday of September next. And that the committee appointed from this House notify said commissioners of their