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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 35 7 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 1, 1862., [Electronic resource] 13 11 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 11 1 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 8 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 7 3 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 6 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Book and heart: essays on literature and life 5 1 Browse Search
Ernest Crosby, Garrison the non-resistant 5 5 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 2, 1862., [Electronic resource] 4 4 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2. You can also browse the collection for Gladstone or search for Gladstone in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The foundation of the labor movement (1871) (search)
Daniel Webster labors. Why do you confine your party to the men that work? Well, now, we confine it because thus there is no mistake. Now, suppose you should take up a book presenting the condition of the laboring classes of Great Britain. Mr. Gladstone works harder than any other man there; Lord Brougham did more work than any other man there; Lord Palmerston, up to his eightieth year, worked hard as any man there. But if you were to take up a book on the working-men of Great Britain, do you think you would find the condition of Lord Brougham there? If you took up a book on the British laboring class, or how much they eat, what kind of houses they live in, etc., do you think you would find Gladstone's income, and the number of rooms he had in his house, and how many children he had had the last fifty years? So if an Englishman came here, and said, I want to know something about your working-men. Please let me hear it from some of themselves. Whom shall I go to? Would you se
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The scholar in a republic (1881). (search)
want, and misery, than all other causes put together; and the Westminster Review calls it a curse that far eclipses every other calamity under which we suffer. Gladstone, speaking as prime minister, admitted that greater calamities are inflicted on mankind by intemperance than by the three great historical scourges,--war, pestilea century ago, Ireland has learned at last that justice is to be had from England only when demanded at the sword's point. And a century later, only last year, Gladstone himself proclaimed in a public address in Scotland, England never concedes anything to Ireland except when moved to do so by fear. When we remember these admindless changes of eulogy on the men who made North's Boston port-bill a failure, while every leading journal sends daily over the water wishes for the success of Gladstone's copy of the bill for Ireland. If all rightful government rests on consent,--if, as the French say, you can do almost anything with a bayonet except sit on it,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Daniel O'Connell (1875.) (search)
of the Reform Bill of 1832, and see with how much truth it may be claimed that O'Connell and his fellows gave Englishmen the ballot under that act. It is by no means certain that the corn-laws could have been abolished without their aid. In the Antislavery struggle O'Connell stands, in influence and ability, equal with the best. I know the credit all those measures do to English leaders; but, in my opinion, the next generation will test the statesmanship of Peel, Palmerston, Russell, and Gladstone, almost entirely by their conduct of the Irish question. All the laurels they have hitherto won in that field are rooted in ideas which Grattan and O'Connell urged on reluctant hearers for half a century. Why do Bismarck and Alexander look with such contemptuous indifference on every attempt of England to mingle in European affairs? Because they know they have but to lift a finger, and Ireland stabs her in the back. Where was the statesmanship of English leaders when they allowed such