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and North Carolina May 20th. The popular vote, to which the several ordinances were submitted, ratified them by overwhelming majorities. In Tennessee, which had a little before refused by a large popular majority even to call a convention, the ordinance of secession was now passed by a vote of 104,913 for, to 47,238 against it. In Virginia, the vote was 125,950 for, and 20,273 against secession. There was a similar revulsion of feeling in the other States; and the change was due, not as Greeley and other Northern writers allege, to fraud and intimidation, but to despair of justice and peace, and a resolution to resist coercion. Most of the Union leaders gave in their adhesion to the new government with more or less frankness and zeal, and notably the Hon. John Bell, of Tennessee, the late Union candidate for the presidency; and party distinctions were lost in patriotic emulation. The only marked exception was in the mountain-region of Western Virginia and East Tennessee, in w
few, but compact, thoroughly organized, and backed by the Federal Government, wanted time to rally a following; the Southern party, numerous, but without leaders or definite purpose, were content that time should develop a course of action for them; the uncertain multitude hailed it as a verbal breakwater for the tides and storms of an ocean. After all, this neutrality was a sad thinga false pretense that served for some months as the cloak of irresolution and all its consequent ills. Horace Greeley, in his American conflict, says that this astounding drivel insulted the common-sense and nauseated the loyal stomach of the nation; but it was the opiate that stupefied both the common-sense and the moral sense, and unnerved the arm of the people of Kentucky. When Mr. Lincoln made his first call for troops, Governor Magoffin replied in the same spirit with the other Southern Executives: Your dispatch is received. In answer, I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops