Your search returned 81 results in 32 document sections:

1 2 3 4
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Chapter 54: capture of Richmond.--the destruction of the Confederate fleet in the James River, etc. (search)
When the Admiral returned to the cabin, fifteen minutes later, the President was perfectly calm, as if nothing had happened, and did not refer to the subject for some hours. This place seems to give you annoyance, sir, said the Admiral; would you prefer going to City Point, where we are more among friends than here? Yes, replied the President, let us go. I seem to be putting my foot into it here all the time. Bless my soul! how Seward would have preached and read Puffendorf, Vattel and Grotius to me, if he had been here when I gave Campbell permission to let the Legislature meet! I'd never have heard the last of it. Seward is a small compendium of international law himself, and laughs at my horse-sense, which I pride myself on, and yet I put my foot into that thing about Campbell with my eyes wide open. If I were you, Admiral, I don't think I would repeat that joke yet awhile. People might laugh at you for knowing so much more than the President. Several incorrect accounts
ouncilman. I shall now cite a few authorities upon the rights of war, to ascertain in how far the course pursued toward the inhabitants of Atlanta is in accordance with those laws which are now universally recognized. Halleck, Vattel, and Grotius establish the following rules: Grotius, B. III, chap. 12, sec. 8. (The italics are the author's.) * * * It is a just remark made bysome theologians, that all Christian princes and rulers who wish to be found such in the sight of God, aGrotius, B. III, chap. 12, sec. 8. (The italics are the author's.) * * * It is a just remark made bysome theologians, that all Christian princes and rulers who wish to be found such in the sight of God, as well as that of men, will deem it a duty to interpose their authority to prevent or suppress all unnecessary violence in the taking of terms, for acts of rigor can never be carried to an extreme without involving great numbers of the innocent in ruin; and practices of that kind, beside being no way conducive to the termination of war, are totally repugnant to every principle of Christianity and justice. Women, children, feeble old men, and sick persons, come under the description of enemie
embly did, at its session in 1794--long before its division into Old school and New school --adopt a note to one of the questions in its longer Catechism, wherein, expounding and applying the Eighth Commandment, it affirmed that the Biblical condemnation of manstealers comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into Slavery, or retaining them therein. Stealers of men are those who bring off slaves or freemen, and keep, sell, or buy them. To steal a freeman, says Grotius, is the highest kind of theft, etc., etc. But this note was directed to be erased by the General Assembly of 1816, in a resolve which characterizes Slavery as a mournful evil, but does not direct that the churches be purged of it. In 1818, a fresh Assembly adopted an Expression of views, wherein Slavery is reprobated as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature, utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselv
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Hopkins, Stephen 1707-1785 (search)
. From hence it is plain what kind of dependence the Greek colonies were in, and what sort of acknowledgment they owed to the mother state. If we pass from the Grecian to the Roman colonies, we shall find them not less free; but this difference may be observed between them, that the Roman colonies did not, like the Grecian, become separate states, governed by different laws, but always remained a part of the mother state; all that were free of the colonies were always free of Rome. And Grotius gives us an opinion of the Roman King concerning the freedom of the colonies. King Tullus says, For our part, we look upon it to be neither truth nor justice that the mother cities ought of necessity to rule over their colonies. When we come down to the latter ages of the world, and consider the colonies planted in the three last centuries in America from several kingdoms in Europe, we shall find them, says Puffendorf, very different from the ancient colonies; and he gives us an instanc
der prevails or has been reestablished. Such was the neutrality on the part of the United States towards Great Britain. It recognized the rebels of Canada not as belligerents, but as insurgents, and it enforced its neutrality not by forbidding its citizens to assist Great Britain to maintain its authority against the insurgents, but by forbidding them to interfere in an unlawful manner with the affairs of the provinces. It needs no intimate knowledge of international law, no study of Grotius, or Puffendorf, or Vattel, or Wheaton, no definitions of the rights of belligerents and privateers from the Consolato del Mare, from Lampredi, Galiani, Moser, or Hubner, to enable us to appreciate the wide difference between the neutrality we practised towards England and her rebels, and that which England has inaugurated against us; and no refinement of reasoning, nor subtle glosses indulged in by the English press, have at all blinded the American people to the unfriendly character of thi
our hours. The dial of Ahaz may have had a vertical gnomon on the upper one of a series of steps, the time being determined by the shadow of the point of the gnomon on the graduations of that arc-shaped step which was designed for that season of the year at which the observation was made. It might thus resemble the analemma, described by Vitruvius, which, by marking the length of the shadows of a fixed gnomon, showed the different altitudes of the sun at the different seasons of the year. Grotius supposed the dial of Ahaz to be a concave hemisphere with a central globe whose shadow fell on the lines engraved on the concavity. This would resemble the Greek scapha, a semicircular concave dial, or hemicyclium, ascribed by Vitruvius to Berosus the Chaldean, 340 B. C.; this was long in use in Rome, and many have been discovered. It consisted of a semi-spherical horizontal basin with a style erected in such a manner that its extremity was exactly at the center of the sphere. The shad
end the unfaltering succor of our good wishes. For him we invoke vigor of arm to defend, and fleetness of foot to escape. The enactments of human laws are vain to restrain the warm tides of the heart. We pause with rapture on those historic scenes in which freedom has been attempted or preserved through the magnanimous self-sacrifice of friendship or Christian aid. With palpitating bosom we follow the midnight flight of Mary of Scotland from the custody of her stern jailers; we accompany Grotius in his escape from prison in Holland, so adroitly promoted by his wife; we join with Lavalette in France in his flight, aided also by his wife; and we offer our admiration and gratitude to Huger and Bollman, who, unawed by the arbitrary ordinances of Austria, strove heroically, though vainly, to rescue Lafayette from the dungeons of Olmutz. This admirable production, every page of which proclaims the scholar and the friend of human liberty, was beautifully printed in 1853, by John P. Jew
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
int Military Governors, was a War Power, and that was a Congressional Power; for among its prerogatives, the Constitution clearly enumerates to declare war, suppress insurrections, and support armies. It is Congress that conquers, and the same authority that conquers, must govern. Would you know, inquires Mr. Sumner, the extent of these powers that must be conceded to Congress? He gives the following answer: They will be found in the authoritative texts of Public Law,—in the works of Grotius, Vattel, and Wheaton. They are the powers conceded by civilized society to nations at war, known as the Rights of War, at once multitudinous and minute, vast and various. It would be strange, if Congress could organize armies and navies to conquer, and could not also organize governments to protect. De Tocqueville, who saw our institutions with so keen an eye, remarked, that, since, in spite of all political fictions, the preponderating power resided in the State governments, and not i
int Military Governors, was a War Power, and that was a Congressional Power; for among its prerogatives, the Constitution clearly enumerates to declare war, suppress insurrections, and support armies. It is Congress that conquers, and the same authority that conquers, must govern. Would you know, inquires Mr. Sumner, the extent of these powers that must be conceded to Congress? He gives the following answer: They will be found in the authoritative texts of Public Law,—in the works of Grotius, Vattel, and Wheaton. They are the powers conceded by civilized society to nations at war, known as the Rights of War, at once multitudinous and minute, vast and various. It would be strange, if Congress could organize armies and navies to conquer, and could not also organize governments to protect. De Tocqueville, who saw our institutions with so keen an eye, remarked, that, since, in spite of all political fictions, the preponderating power resided in the State governments, and not i
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.), Chapter 1: travellers and observers, 1763-1846 (search)
ate the element of truth in the narrative, and Carver's share in its production. Carver was not too uneducated to make notes and gather materials for a book. He could write a long coherent letter to his first wife, and specimens of his writing are not in the hand of an ignorant man. He, not less than his assistant or assistants in publication, could have met with the works of Charlevoix, Adair, and Lahontan in London book-stalls. But it was hardly his pen that made reference to Plato and Grotius. The volume is dedicated To Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society. Then follows, in the second edition, a magniloquent Address to the Public. The journal proper occupies but a third of the volume. Next come seventeen chapters on the origin, physique, and dress of the Indians, their manners and customs, their government, their food, dances, methods of warfare and games, and their language. The eighteenth deals with animals, birds-as, for example, the Whipperwill, or, as it is
1 2 3 4