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ragut reached the city, six rebel batteries were put in readiness to fire on his ships. General Halleck, while pushing his siege works toward Corinth, was notified as early as April 27 that Farraents would have favored an expedition of this kind. When Corinth, at the end of May, fell into Halleck's hands, Forts Pillow and Randolph on the Mississippi River were hastily evacuated by the enemyt could not be raised sufficiently to silence them. Neither help nor promise of help came from Halleck's army, and Farragut could therefore do nothing but turn his vessels down stream and return to perating land force of twelve to fifteen thousand would have enabled him to take the works; and Halleck, on June 28 and July 3, partially promised early assistance. But on July 14 he reported definietained in the river by the rapidly falling water. The capture of Vicksburg was postponed for a whole year, and the early transfer of Halleck to Washington changed the current of Western campaigns.
erwise ordered, he is relieved from the command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the Department of the Potomac. This order of March I included also the already mentioned consolidation of the western departments under Halleck; and out of the region lying between Halleck's command and McClellan's command it created the Mountain Department, the command of which he gave to General Fremont, whose reinstatement had been loudly clamored for by many prominent and enthusiasHalleck's command and McClellan's command it created the Mountain Department, the command of which he gave to General Fremont, whose reinstatement had been loudly clamored for by many prominent and enthusiastic followers. As the preparations for a movement by water had been in progress since February 27, there was little delay in starting the Army of the Potomac on its new campaign. The troops began their embarkation on March 17, and by April 5 over one hundred thousand men, with all their material of war, had been transported to Fortress Monroe, where General McClellan himself arrived on the second of the month, and issued orders to begin his march on the fourth. Unfortunately, right at
to McClellan-.Lincoln's visit to McClellan Halleck made General-in chief Halleck's visit to Halleck's visit to Mc Clellan withdrawal from Harrison's Landing Pope assumes command second battle of Bull Rhrough the Secretary of War he instructed General Halleck at Corinth to send twenty-five thousand ipartment now under his charge. Though General Halleck was loath to leave his command in the Wesbeen pointedly informed by the President. On Halleck's return to Washington, it was, on further co still protested against the change, and when Halleck in a calm letter answered his objections with notwithstanding telegram after telegram from Halleck, ordering him to push Franklin's division out also, Mr. Lincoln despatched a member of General Halleck's staff to the Virginia side of the Potommore than had been expected. Worse than all, Halleck, the general-in-chief, who was much worn out e following telegram went to the general from Halleck: I am instructed to telegraph you as f[1 more...]
lic attention. At the date of the proclamation McClellan, with the Army of the Potomac, was just reaching the Chickahominy in his campaign toward Richmond; Stonewall Jackson was about beginning his startling raid into the Shenandoah valley; and Halleck was pursuing his somewhat leisurely campaign against Corinth. On the day following the proclamation the victorious fleet of Farragut reached Vicksburg in its first ascent of the Mississippi. Congress was busy with the multifarious work that cr and arm negro regiments for the war. But between the President's proclamation and the adjournment of Congress military affairs underwent a most discouraging change. McClellan's advance upon Richmond became a retreat to Harrison's Landing. Halleck captured nothing but empty forts at Corinth. Farragut found no cooperation at Vicksburg, and returned to New Orleans, leaving its hostile guns still barring the commerce of the great river. Still worse, the country was plunged into gloomy fore
Mr. Lincoln, on New Year's day, wrote the following letter to General Halleck: General Burnside wishes to cross the Rappahannock with Your military skill is useless to me if you will not do this. Halleck's moral and official courage, however, failed the President in thiorsed on his own letter, withdrawn because considered harsh by General Halleck. The complication, however, continued to grow worse, and therals were unanimously opposed to again crossing the Rappahannock. Halleck, on the contrary, urged another crossing, but that it must be made on January 8, 1863, again wrote Burnside: I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter of which this is a copy. I approve thiss point a long-standing irritation and jealousy between Hooker and Halleck became so acute that on the general-in-chief's refusing a comparatnd end the rebellion, had gone to Meade from the President and General Halleck. But Meade hesitated, and his council of war objected; and on
more precise, beginning with the middle of 1862. When, in July of that year, Halleck was called to Washington to become general-in-chief, the principal plan he lef an object on which the President had specially and repeatedly insisted. When Halleck specifically ordered Buell to resume and execute that plan, Buell urged such ofailed for six months to follow up his evident advantages. The transfer of Halleck from the West to Washington in the summer of 1862, left Grant in command of the to a halt, and made no further movement for six weeks. The President and General Halleck were already out of patience with Rosecrans for his long previous delay. Thomas at the close of the battle. Mr. Lincoln immediately wrote in a note to Halleck: I think it very important for General Rosecrans to hold his position at tant and energetic measures. On the night of September 23, the President, General Halleck, several members of the cabinet, and leading army and railroad officials m
ed Meade that he desired to make no change; and, returning to Washington, started west without a moment's loss of time. On March 12, 1864, formal orders of the War Department placed Grant in command of all the armies of the United States, while Halleck, relieved from that duty, was retained at Washington as the President's chief of staff. Grant frankly confesses in his Memoirs that when he started east it was with a firm determination to accept no appointment requiring him to leave the Wes the Federal capital from occupation and perhaps destruction by the enemy. Certain writers have represented the government as panic-stricken during the two days that this menace lasted; but neither Mr. Lincoln, nor Secretary Stanton, nor General Halleck, whom it has been even more the fashion to abuse, lacked coolness or energy in the emergency. Indeed, the President's personal unconcern was such as to give his associates much uneasiness. On the tenth, he rode out as was his usual custom
sion. Strong measures deemed indispensable, but harsh at best, such men make worse by maladministration. Murders for old grudges, and murders for pelf, proceed under any cloak that will best cover for the occasion. These causes amply account for what has occurred in Missouri, without ascribing it to the weakness or wickedness of any general. The newspaper files, those chroniclers of current events, will show that the evils now complained of were quite as prevalent under Fremont, Hunter, Halleck, and Curtis, as under Schofield . . I do not feel justified to enter upon the broad field you present in regard to the political differences between radicals and conservatives. From time to time I have done and said what appeared to me proper to do and say. The public knows it all. It obliges nobody to follow me, and I trust it obliges me to follow nobody. The radicals and conservatives each agree with me in some things and disagree in others. I could wish both to agree with me in all t
the dispute one of form rather than substance, and having a deep regard, not only for the Postmaster-General, but for his brother, General Frank Blair, and for his distinguished father, was most reluctant to take action against him. Even in the bosom of the government, however, a strong hostility to Mr. Blair manifested itself. As long as Chase remained in the cabinet there was smoldering hostility between them, and his attitude toward Seward and Stanton was one of increasing enmity. General Halleck, incensed at some caustic remarks Blair was reported to have made about the defenders of the capital after Early's raid, during which the family estate near Washington had suffered, sent an angry note to the War Department, wishing to know if such wholesale denouncement had the President's sanction; adding that either the names of the officers accused should be stricken from the rolls, or the slanderer dismissed from the cabinet. Mr. Stanton sent the letter to the President without com
d in the newspapers the reasons of the government for disapproving the agreement, in terms of sharpest censure of General Sherman. This, when it came to his notice some weeks later, filled him with hot indignation, and, coupled with some orders Halleck, who had been made commander of the armies of the Potomac and the James, issued to Meade, to disregard Sherman's truce and push forward against Johnston, roused him to open defiance of the authorities he thought were persecuting him, and made him declare, in a report to Grant, that he would have maintained his truce at any cost of life. Halleck's order, however, had been nullified by Johnston's surrender, and Grant, suggesting that this outburst was uncalled for, offered Sherman the opportunity to correct the statement. This he refused, insisting that his record stand as written, although avowing his readiness to obey all future orders of Grant and the President. So far as Johnston was concerned, the war was indeed over. He wa
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