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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 207 5 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 90 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 56 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 34 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 32 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 28 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 24 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 22 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 21 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 20 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Alexander Hamilton or search for Alexander Hamilton in all documents.

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ility to this wrong has been made immortal in his descendants. There also was a companion in arms, and attached friend of incomparable genius, the yet youthful Hamilton, who, as a member of the Abolition Society of New York, had only recently united in a solemn petition for those who, though free by the laws of God, are held in so as to render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government, and the preservation of the Union; on the 18th June, eleven propositions by Mr. Hamilton of New York, containing his ideas of a suitable plan of Government for the United States; and on the 19th June, Mr. Randolph's resolutions, originally offered whom paid his earliest vows to Liberty in our cause. Nor should this list be confined to military characters, so long as we gratefully cherish the name of Alexander Hamilton, who was born in the West Indies, and the name of Albert Gallatin, who was born in Switzerland, and never, to the close of his octogenarian career, lost the
trious men, whose lives and recorded words now rise in judgment. There was John Adams, the Vice-President—great vindicator and final negotiator of our national independence—whose soul, flaming with freedom, broke forth in the early declaration, that Consenting to Slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust, and whose immitigable hostility to this wrong has been made immortal in his descendants. There also was a companion in arms, and attached friend of incomparable genius, the yet youthful Hamilton, who, as a member of the Abolition Society of New York, had only recently united in a solemn petition for those who, though free by the laws of God, are held in Slavery by the laws of the State. There, too, was a noble spirit, the ornament of his country, the exemplar of truth and virtue, who, like the sun, ever held an unerring course, John Jay. Filling the important post of Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Confederation, he found time to organize the Abolition Society of New York, a
of the States; and ordaining the surrender of fugitives from justice. But this draft, though from the flaming guardian of the slave interest, contained no allusion to fugitive slaves. In the course of the Convention other plans were brought forward on the 15th June a series of eleven propositions by Mr. Patterson, of New Jersey, so as to render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government, and the preservation of the Union; on the 18th June, eleven propositions by Mr. Hamilton of New York, containing his ideas of a suitable plan of Government for the United States; and on the 19th June, Mr. Randolph's resolutions, originally offered on the 29th May, as altered, amended, and agreed to in Committee of the Whole House. On the 26th, twenty-three resolutions, already adopted on different days in the Convention, were referred to a Committee of Detail, to be reduced to the form of a Constitution. On the 6th August this Committee reported the finished draft of a Con
Pole, who perished for us at Savannah—upon De Kalb and Steuben, the generous Germans, who aided our weakness by their military experience—upon Paul Jones, the Scotchman, who lent his unsurpassed courage to the infant thunders of our navy—also upon those great European liberators, Kosciusko of Poland, and Lafayette of France, each of whom paid his earliest vows to Liberty in our cause. Nor should this list be confined to military characters, so long as we gratefully cherish the name of Alexander Hamilton, who was born in the West Indies, and the name of Albert Gallatin, who was born in Switzerland, and never, to the close of his octogenarian career, lost the French accent of his boyhood—both of whom rendered civic services which may be commemorated among the victories of peace. Nor is the experience of our Republic peculiar. Where is the country or power which must not inscribe the names of foreigners on its historic scroll? It was Christopher Columbus, of Genoa, who disclosed to
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
of the people. In later days, such society has not been seen in Washington. Its palmy days passed away with the graceful regime of Ladies Washington, Madison, Hamilton, Sedgwick, Bingham, and that glorious company of superb women who lent the fascinations of wit, taste, and beauty to adorn the early days of the Republic. Butt with the exception of that venerable Sage and apostle of Liberty, John Quincy Adams, scarcely a voice was heard in either House in advocacy of the measure. Mr. Hamilton, of South Carolina, declared that Haytien independence could not be tolerated in any form; and his colleague, Mr. Hayne, not only deprecated any such recogniti faithfully serve as a soldier to the end of the present war, and shall then return his arms, be emancipated and receive the sum of fifty dollars. Washington, Hamilton, Greene, Lincoln, and Lawrence, warmly approved of the measure. In 1783 the General Assembly of Virginia passed An act directing the emancipation of certain sla
represent the highest culture and intelligence, the greatest refinement, delicacy, and blandishments of women, the loftiest standard of honor and chivalry in men, the fullest appreciation of learning, art, and beauty to which a nation has attained. To be society worthy of the name, such reunions must represent the best civilization of the people. In later days, such society has not been seen in Washington. Its palmy days passed away with the graceful regime of Ladies Washington, Madison, Hamilton, Sedgwick, Bingham, and that glorious company of superb women who lent the fascinations of wit, taste, and beauty to adorn the early days of the Republic. But through the medium of such society as we have had, the virus of practical secession has been industriously injected, and in all its subtlest forms. It has worn chameleon hues; it has borrowed, for the time, all the lights and shadows that lay within its reach. In one coterie, severe criticisms were passed on generals at the hea
posed the recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia. Of course, it encountered the bitter opposition of every Pro-Slavery Senator, and every hater of the colored race. A resolution had been introduced into the Senate as long ago as July 1st, 1836; and again in January and March of the following year. But with the exception of that venerable Sage and apostle of Liberty, John Quincy Adams, scarcely a voice was heard in either House in advocacy of the measure. Mr. Hamilton, of South Carolina, declared that Haytien independence could not be tolerated in any form; and his colleague, Mr. Hayne, not only deprecated any such recognition, but demanded that our ministers in South America and Mexico, should protest against the independence of Hayti. Mr. Legare, also of the same State, opposed it violently. He was an accomplished scholar; but even the amenities of literary culture had not gained any covert in his breast, where sympathy with black men struggling fo
Xlv. The secret journals of Congress (vol. i., pp. 107, 110), March 29, 1779, show that the States of South Carolina and Georgia were recommended to raise immediately three thousand able-bodied negroes. That every negro who shall well and faithfully serve as a soldier to the end of the present war, and shall then return his arms, be emancipated and receive the sum of fifty dollars. Washington, Hamilton, Greene, Lincoln, and Lawrence, warmly approved of the measure. In 1783 the General Assembly of Virginia passed An act directing the emancipation of certain slaves who have served as soldiers in this war. We next give an extract from an act of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in General Assembly, February session, 1778:— Whereas, for the preservation of the rights and liberties of the United States, it is necessary that the whole powers of Government should be exerted in recruiting the Continental battalions; and whereas his Excellency General Was