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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 38 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 36 2 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 36 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 16 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 14 0 Browse Search
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen 13 1 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 12 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 6, 1861., [Electronic resource] 11 3 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 9 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: October 16, 1863., [Electronic resource] 7 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Hannibal Hamlin or search for Hannibal Hamlin in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 6 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ent Tyler promptly resorted to a joint resolution, easily carried through the House, but passing the Senate by a majority of only two votes, and taking effect March 2, 1845, two days before Tyler was succeeded by Polk, who was instigated by the same pro-slavery ambition as his predecessor. The slave-power was then the master of the Democratic party; and Northern Democrats—some from pro-slavery sympathies, and others from servile fear—voted for the measure in Congress, In the House, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Democrat, voted for the resolution; but another Democrat from New England, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, revolted from his party. With the latter also stood Preston King of New York. In the Senate, John A. Dix of New York, an unstable politician, voted for it. joined by a sufficient number of Whigs in the Senate to carry it through. It is painful, in reading the history of that period, to see how feeble was the resistance to the great conspiracy; to observe the sham neutra
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
m Wade, who was sincere in his antislavery convictions as well as fearless, but who failed in steadiness and adequate preparation for the contests of the Senate. Hamlin, of maine, was now opposed to any scheme for the extension of slavery, but was unhappily constrained by his position as a supporter of the Democratic party, then ion, and danger to the Union, was lost by a vote of ten yeas to thirty-two nays. The affirmative votes were those of Clarke of Rhode Island, Davis, Dodge, Foot, Hamlin, Seward, Shields, Shields behaved gallantly. His relations with Sumner remained friendly. See remarks made by each, May 4, 1854, upon petitions asking for a ompromisers and disunionists who answered in support of the Fugitive Slave law on that day were Hamilton Fish, and four senators from New England,—John H. Clarke, Hamlin, Truman Smith, and Upham. It is difficult at this distance of time to comprehend the degradation of American politics in the years 1850-1854. In the popular i
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
four to ten, while the vote against repeal had decreased from forty-seven to thirty-five. He had now in Rockwell a colleague who voted with him. Seward and Foot, who withheld their votes then, now voted for the repeal. Walker of Wisconsin, who then voted against the repeal, now voted for it; while Fish, who then voted against the repeal, now withheld his vote. A few moments before, Mr. Fish voted on an appeal from the decision of the chair. Fessenden gave his vote for the repeal, while Hamlin remained discreetly silent. As a member of the committee on pensions, Sumner attended faithfully to matters referred to it, as appeared from the reports he submitted and the bills he pressed to a passage. He took an interest in questions of procedure, and his incidental remarks at different times showed close attention to public business. The session ended August 7, and Sumner arrived home on the 13th. Sumner's course during the session, in connection with his character and positi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
opposition of Compromise Democrats and Know Nothings. Then followed Bayard, and at last Sumner, who denounced the bill as an effort to bolster up the Fugitive Slave Act,—a measure which was conceived in defiance of the Constitution, and was a barefaced subversion of every principle of humanity and justice; and he closed his speech with a motion for its repeal, which obtained nine votes. Works, vol. III. pp. 529-547. Fessenden, Seward, and even Cooper, now voted with Sumner, but Fish and Hamlin were still silent. Sumner had in this vote a new ally in his colleague, Wilson. Butler could not refrain from renewing to Sumner his old questions about constitutional obligations, and being baffled, said he would not take advantage of the infirmity of a man who did not know half his time what he was about. As Sumner was scrupulously correct in his habits, and as Butler often and at the very time appeared to have been drinking to excess, the remark provoked general merriment. Sumner's ans
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
ain to attend the extra session then beginning,—called for the special purpose of acting on the nominations of President Buchanan, who then succeeded to the office. He was placed on the committee on territories, of which Douglas was chairman. Wilson named him for the committee on foreign affairs; but Seward desired that place, and moved in the Senate the adoption of the list, which was carried against the opposition of all the Republican senators except himself. In the debate, March 9, Hamlin expressed surprise that Seward should offer such a list; and Fessenden remarking upon the universal dissatisfaction of Republicans, well known to Seward, said that he was unwilling it should go to the country that the senator from New York represented him. Two days later Sumner arrived in New York, where be was for the night the guest of John Jay, and where several friends, including Mr. and Mrs. Fremont, gathered in the evening to pay their respects to him. The next day, March 7, at noo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
West. The Republican managers of the State,—Thurlow Weed, Simeon Draper, and D. C. Littlejohn,—the general committee of the party as well as local committees, pleaded with him to speak in its leading cities. He was assured by Mr. Littlejohn that his name would bring thirty thousand people to the mass meeting at Owego. Similar applications, pressed with great urgency, were made from Illinois by E. B. Washburne, N. B. Judd, I. N. Arnold, Herman Kreissman, and Owen Lovejoy; from Maine by Mr. Hamlin, the candidate for Vice-President, and Mr. Fessenden the senator; and from Ohio by the State committee. His colleague, Wilson, who was omnipresent in the campaign, and intensely alive to all its necessities, besought him to speak several times in the States of New Jersey and New York, as also in the two congressional districts of Boston, where the union of all the opponents of the Republicans had put in peril the election of two members of the House. The appeals from other States laid e