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ence to the people, we must make some temporary arrangements to carry on the Government. Mr. Gregg--There is no law on the subject of the collection of the duties in South Carolina now. We have now accomplished the work after forty years. Mr. Hayne--The Congress of the United States is no longer our Government. It will be for our Legislature to say what laws of the United States shall be continued and what not. The simple act of secession does not abrogate all the laws. We have a great ith that Government. Mr. Miles--We have to deal with facts and stern realities. We must prevent confusion, anarchy, and the derangement of our Government affairs. Things must for the present remain in statu quo, or confusion will arise. Mr. Hayne--Sudden action is injurious. Mr. Chesnut--Two questions are involved — power and duty. We must preserve our people, not only from inconveniences, but chaotic condition. We must revivify such laws as will best preserve us from calamities.
n the execution of their legal functions and against those who assail the property of the Federal Government, is clear and undeniable. (Cries of Good for him, and loud cheering.) The authorities of South Carolina were repeatedly warned that, if they assailed Fort Sumter, it would be the commencement of civil war, and they would be responsible for the consequences. (Cheers.) The last and most emphatic of these warnings is contained in the admirable answer of Mr. Holt, Secretary of War, to Mr. Hayne, the Commissioner from South Carolina, on the 6th of February. It is in these words:--If, with all the multiplied proof which exists of the President's anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with which lie has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault Fort Sumter and peril the lives of the handful of brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those they represent must rest the responsi
Whilst, then, we may yet recede from the brink of that precipice on which we now stand, whilst we are once more convened as citizens of the American Union, and have still a common country; whilst we are yet fondly gazing, perhaps for the last time, upon that banner which floated over the army of Washington, and living beneath that Constitution which bears his sacred name, let us at least endeavor to transmit to posterity, unimpaired, that Union cemented by the blood of our forefathers. Gov. Hayne, of Carolina, in his late proclamation, inquires if that State was linked to the Union, in the iron bonds of a perpetual Union. These bonds were not of iron, or Carolina would never have worn them, but they are the enduring chains of peace and union. One link could not be severed from this chain, united in all its parts, without an entire dissolution of all the bonds of Union; and one State cannot dissolve the Union among all the States. Yet Carolina admits this to be the inevitable