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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 98 4 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 90 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 88 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 70 2 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 61 3 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 57 1 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 30 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 18 2 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 6 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 13, 1861., [Electronic resource] 6 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Claiborne F. Jackson or search for Claiborne F. Jackson in all documents.

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ave directly and glaringly contravened the constitution or bill of rights of even the most conservative State. Yet President Jackson did not hesitate, in his Annual Message of December 2, 1835, to say: I must also invite your attention to the p forth in a grave Democratic State paper, fifteen years before he uttered it. And it is yet far older than this. General Jackson's recommendation of repression by law of the circulation of incendiary matter through the mails, was referred by thened strength in the North, and the excitement caused thereby rose higher in the South--especially after the Message of Gen. Jackson, already quoted, urging that anti-Slavery agitation be made a penal offense — a more decisive hostility was resolved oively laid on the table of the House; Yeas 180, Nays 31--the Nays all from the North, and mainly Whigs. On the 18th, Mr Jackson, of Massachusetts, offered a similar petition from the citizens of the town of Wrentham; and Mr. Hammond of South Carol
Xii. Texas and her Annexation. Sam. Houston M. Hunt Webster T. W. Gilmer Jackson J. Q. Adams Van Buren Clay Benton Polk Tyler Calhoun. the name Texas originally designated an ill-defined and mainly uninhabited region lying ber, perceiving that it would only irritate and alienate the Mexicans to no good purpose. In 1829, Mr. Van Buren, as Gen. Jackson's Secretary of State, instructed our Minister at Mexico to make a similar offer of four or five millions for Texas, in Texas expressly to seize upon the first opportunity to foment a revolution, In the Winter of 1830, the first year of Jackson rule at Washington, Houston came to that city from the wilds of the far West, in company with a band of Indians, who proRobert Mayo, with whom he became intimate, and to whom he imparted his Texas project; and by him it was betrayed to President Jackson, who, very probably, had already heard it from Houston himself. I learned from him, wrote Mayo, that he was orga
e Supreme Court. Even the executive and legislative departments deny its authority to bind them. The Supreme Court decided that the Alien and Sedition Law was constitutional, and Matthew Lyon was imprisoned under it. The President, Mr. Jefferson, decided that it was not, and pardoned Mr. Lyon. The Supreme Court decided that Congress could constitutionally charter a Bank of the United States, and that the propriety and necessity of doing so were to be judged by Congress. The President, Gen. Jackson, decided that such an act was unconstitutional, and vetoed it. With these examples before me, I feel authorized to express the opinion which I entertain, that the Fugitive Slave Act is unconstitutional, because Congress has no power to legislate upon the subject. With regard to the denial by this act of all semblance of a jury trial to persons claimed under it as fugitive slaves, Mr. Van Buren was equally decided and forcible, as is evinced by these further extracts from his letter:
were returned, all pro-Slavery. There was no disguise, no pretense of legality, no regard for decency. On the evening before and the morning of the day of election, nearly a thousand Missourians arrived at Lawrence, in wagons and on horseback, well armed with rifles, pistols, and bowie-knives, and two pieces of cannon loaded with musket balls. They had tents, music, and flags, and encamped in a ravine near the town. They held a meeting the night before the election at the tent of Claiborne F. Jackson. Democratic Governor of Missouri, elected in 1860; died a Rebel refugee in Arkansas, 1862. Finding that they had more men than were needed to carry the Lawrence district, they dispatched companies of one to two hundred each to two other districts. Meeting one of the judges of election before the poll opened, they questioned him as to his intended course, and, learning that he should insist on the oath of residence, they first attempted to bribe and then threatened to hang him. In
on of one party or the other, to the almost shocking excesses. The humanity of the United States in respect to the weaker, and which, in such a terrible struggle, would probably be the suffering, portion, and the duty to defend themselves against the contagion of such near and dangerous examples, would constrain them. even at the hazard of losing the friendship of Mexico and Colombia, to employ all the means necessary to their security. Several years later, Mr. Van Buren, writing as Gen. Jackson's premier to Mr. C. P. Van Ness, our then Minister at Madrid, urges upon Spain, through him, the acknowledgment of South American independence, on this among other grounds: Considerations connected with a certain class of our population make it the interest of the Southern section of the Union that no attempt should be made in that island [Cuba] to throw off the yoke of Spanish dependence; the first effect of which would be the sudden emancipation of a numerous slave population, whose
resigns military Convention in Georgia votes to secede facilities to Disunion Houston Letcher Magofiln Conway C. F. Jackson Alex. H. Stephens S. C. Convention Ordinance of Secession immediately and unanimously passed Georgia follows — soional or any State Government, on the 6th of November, 1860, were ardent advocates of Secession. In Missouri, Mr. Claiborne F. Jackson had been chosen Governor Election of August, 1860: C. F. Jackson (Douglas) 74,446; Sam. Orr (Bell) 66,583; HaC. F. Jackson (Douglas) 74,446; Sam. Orr (Bell) 66,583; Hancock Jackson (Breck.) 11,416; Gardenhire (Lincoln) 6,135. as a Douglas Democrat; but that designation was entirely delusive. Having achieved what he considered the regular Democratic nomination for Governor, he thought he could not afford to bolt jority; which, so late as April 4th, by 89 to 45, decided not to pass an Ordinance of Secession. Missouri, under Gov. C. F. Jackson's rule, had a Democratic Legislature, which voted January 16, 1861. to call a Convention; but that body, when co
ching to Southern treason. On the contrary, he spoke, with singular and manly directness, as follows: Fellow-citizens, it is no time for party, because there are no party questions to be discussed. We are here for the purpose of endeavoring to preserve the Union of these States. The American Union was made perfect by the people of these States, and by the people of these States it is to be maintained and preserved. It is not a question of must be preserved, but, in the language of Gen. Jackson, it shall be preserved. (Applause.) * * * I say, fellow-citizens, that Pennsylvania has been true to the Constitution and the Union. She has always been loyal to it. There is no doubt upon that subject. She has nothing whatever to repent of; and we will maintain these principles as presented by your resolutions. I care not where the traitors are — I care not where they hide themselves — the first arm that is raised against the Constitution and the Union, I will bring and that I have t
at the North against Slavery in the South has been incessant. In 1835, pictorial handbills and inflammatory appeals were circulated extensively throughout the South, of a character to excite the passions of the slaves; and, in the language of Gen. Jackson, to stimulate them to insurrection, and produce all the horrors of a servile war. This agitation has ever since been continued by the public press, by the proceedings of State and County Conventions, and by Abolition sermons and lectures. This not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress: and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not necessary and proper for carrying into execution any one of these powers. The contrast between this logic and that of Gen. Jackson in like circumstances See pages 94-100. has already been noted. But it is difficult to realize that such transparent sophistry can have deceived even its author. The President had already truly stated that The Executive has no authori
liate the South. Yet no adversary of a United States Bank ever felt himself restrained from opposing and voting against such a Bank as unconstitutional by the fact that the Court had adjudged it otherwise. No one imagines that a decision by that Court that Slavery had no right to enter the territories would have been regarded and treated by the South as the end of controversy on that point. See Mr. John Van Buren on this point, page 213. For Mr. Jefferson's views, see pages 83-4; for Gen. Jackson's, see pages 104-6. But, having obtained, in the Dred Scott case, an opinion that slaveholders might take their human chattels to any territory, and there hold them, claiming ample protection from the Government in so doing, they were fully resolved to make the most of it, and not at all disposed to acquiesce in the suggestion that, on questions essentially political, the American People are a higher authority than even their Supreme Court. The weakest portion of this document is its i
resentatives, when they are assembled, we shall, without questioning the legal rights of the Government, urge the impolicy of advising and consenting to the recapture of forts and public property, which we do not want in States out of the Union, and which, certainly, cannot be permanently regained to the Union by military force. Few or no journals issued in the Slave States--save a portion of those of St. Louis and Knoxville — gave the call a more cordial greeting than this. Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson, April 16th. of Missouri, gave these among his reasons for disregarding and defying the President's call: It is illegal, unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be complied with. He added: Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on so unholy a crusade. Gov. Burton, of Delaware, deferred his response to the 26th, and then stated that the laws of this State do not confer upon the Executive any authority allowing him to comply
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