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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 586 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 136 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 126 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 124 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 65 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 58 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 56 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 54 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 44 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Thomas Jefferson or search for Thomas Jefferson in all documents.

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istress; seeing its villages and commercial depots rise, flourish, and decay, after the manner of Jonah's gourd, and its rural population constantly hunted by debt and disaster to new and still newer locations. The Great West of to-day owes its unequaled growth and progress, its population, productiveness, and wealth, primarily, to the framers of the Federal Constitution, by which its development was rendered possible; but more immediately and palpably to the sagacity and statesmanship of Jefferson, the purchaser of Louisiana; to the genius of Fitch and Fulton, the projector and achiever, respectively, of steam-navigation; to De Witt Clinton, the early, unswerving, and successful champion of artificial inland navigation; and to Henry Clay, the eminent, eloquent, and effective champion of the diversification of our National Industry through the Protection of Home Manufactures. The difficulties which surrounded the infancy and impeded the growth of the thirteen original or Atlantic
s the same; and it was impossible that such men as James Otis, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Patrick Henry, should discuss it without laying broad foundations forarms, were reduced to axioms, and became portions of the popular faith. When Jefferson, in drafting our immortal Declaration of Independence, embodied in its preambeorge III., as a patron and upholder of the African slavetrade, embodied by Mr. Jefferson in his original draft of the Declaration: Determined to keep open a marely and deeply felt to be an important and integral portion of our case. Mr. Jefferson, in his Autobiography, gives the following reason for the omission of this Declaration of Independence. The cavil that its ideas were not original with Jefferson is a striking testimonial to its worth. Originality of conception was the vedraft of the Declaration of American Independence was first communicated by Mr. Jefferson separately to two of his colleagues, John Adams and Benjamin Franklin, on t
, until about the 1st day of March, 1784. On that day, Mr. Jefferson, on behalf of tie delegates from his State, presented tiers already noted. This deed being formally accepted, Mr. Jefferson moved the appointment of a select committee to report a plan of government for the western territory; and Messrs. Jefferson, Chase of Maryland, and Howell of Rhode Island, were appointed such committee. From this committee, Mr. Jefferson, in due time, reported an Ordinance for the government of the terrryland Mr. Henry no, No.   Mr. Stone no, Virginia Mr. Jefferson ay, No.   Mr. Hardy no,   Mr. Mercer no, N. Caresford no, The votes of members were sixteen for Mr. Jefferson's interdiction of Slavery to seven against it, and the e expressly brought within the purview and operation of Mr. Jefferson's Ordinance — those territories not having, as yet, beedies many provisions originally drafted and reported by Mr. Jefferson in 1784, but with some modifications. The act conclude
l embarrassment, and general distress, finally overbore or temporarily silenced sectional jealousies and State pride, to such an extent that a Convention of delegates from a quorum of the States, called together rather to amend than to supersede the Articles of Confederation, was legally assembled at Philadelphia in 1787, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton,James Madison, Edmund Randolph, and Charles C. Pinckney, being among its most eminent members. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were absent as Embassadors in Europe. Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Patrick Henry stood aloof, watching the movement with jealous apprehension. Franklin, then over eighty-one years of age, declined the chair on account of his increasing infirmities; and, on his motion, George Washington was unanimously elected President. The Convention sat with closed doors; and no circumstantial nor adequate report of its deliberations was made. The only accounts of them which have reached us
ive Slavery inhibition in the Federal Territories. Had Mr. Jefferson's Ordinance of 1784 been passed as he reported it, thisrd is merely a corruption of engine. events for which Thomas Jefferson and Eli Whitney — neither of them pro-slavery — are pe and silent on the unexpected advent of King Stork. Mr. Jefferson, who had recently been called to the Presidency, and whhostility. Upon learning of this important transfer, Mr. Jefferson (April 18, 1802) wrote to Mr. Livingston, our Minister in intensity and efficiency. The vigilant and far-seeing Jefferson, always a patriot, and always intensely a partisan, perceide are men so capable and clear-sighted as Bonaparte and Jefferson, an arrangement mutually advantageous is not likely to fail. After some skillful diplomatic fencing--Mr. Jefferson talking as if the island of Orleans and the Floridas were all thating some letters and testimonials from the new President, Jefferson, and his Secretary of State, Madison, which were doubtles
o favor that side, as did a majority of his Cabinet, so that the patronage of the Government and the hopes of aspirants to its favor were powerful make-weights against the policy of Restriction. The two ex-Presidents of the dominant party, Messrs. Jefferson and Madison, still survived, and gave their powerful influence openly in accordance with their Southern sympathies rather than their Anti-Slavery convictions. Mr. Clay, the popular and potent Speaker of the House, though likewise Anti-Slavosed the memorable Missouri controversy, which had for two years disturbed the harmony, and threatened the peace of the Union. Even John Adams's faith in the Union was somewhat shaken in this stormy passage of its history. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson, December 18, 1819, he said: The Missouri question, I hope, will follow the other waves under the ship, and do no harm. I know it is high treason to express a doubt of the perpetual duration of our vast American empire, and our free ins
to be distinctively known as Republicans. Thomas Jefferson, who had been absent as embassador to FraConstitution, and become the lieutenant of Mr. Jefferson. Kentucky--a Virginia colony and offset — sly devoted to the ideas and the fortunes of Jefferson; and he was privately solicited to draft thes Resolutions of ‘98 were thus originated; Mr. Jefferson's authorship, though suspected, was never ubtless after consultation with his chief, Mr. Jefferson--and did not differ materially in spirit or expression from those of Kentucky. Mr. Jefferson became President on the 4th of March, 1801. England Federalists under the pressure of Mr. Jefferson's Embargo and of the War of 1812. The fams hostile to the consummation it desired. Mr. Jefferson's Embargo had borne with great severity uprmits the public moneys to be applied. Mr. Jefferson, it will be seen, suggests an amendment to power. Henry Clay entered Congress under Jefferson, in 1806, and was an earnest, thorough, enli[1 more...]<
daries or guaranty of title. For a time, there was apparent danger of collision respecting our western boundary, between our young, self-confident, and grasping republic, and the feeble, decaying monarchy of Spain; but the wise moderation of Mr. Jefferson was manifested through the action of his subordinates, so that Gen. Wilkinson, our military commander in Louisiana, and Gen. Herrera, who directed the small Spanish force on our frontier, after some threatening demonstrations, came to an undeseems to me, points to the duty of rendering its present members happy, prosperous, and satisfied with each other, rather than to attempt to introduce alien members, against the common consent, and with the certainty of deep dissatisfaction. Mr. Jefferson expressed the opinion, and others believed, that it never was in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution to add foreign territory to the confederacy, out of which new States were to be formed. The acquisitions of Louisiana and F
On the second ballot, Mr. Fillmore had 173, and was nominated. No resolves affirming distinctive principles were passed; repeated efforts to interpose one affirming the principle of the Wilmot Proviso being met by successful motions to lay on the table. The Buffalo or Free Soil Convention was as frank and explicit in its declaration of principles as its more powerful rivals had been ambiguous or reticent. The following are its most material averments: Resolved, That the Proviso of Jefferson, to prohibit the existence of Slavery after 1800, in all the Territories of the United States, Southern and Northern; the votes of six States and sixteen delegates, in the Congress of 1784, for the Proviso, to three States and seven delegates against it; the actual exclusion of Slavery from the Northwestern Territory, by the Ordinance of 1787, unanimously adopted by the States in Congress; and the entire history of that period, clearly show that it was the policy of the Nation not to exten
decision, judges in determining the question of authority would probably be concluded. But, in a popular discussion of the propriety of a law, with a view to its repeal or modification, I suppose we are at liberty to believe in opposition to a decision of the Supreme Court. Even the executive and legislative departments deny its authority to bind them. The Supreme Court decided that the Alien and Sedition Law was constitutional, and Matthew Lyon was imprisoned under it. The President, Mr. Jefferson, decided that it was not, and pardoned Mr. Lyon. The Supreme Court decided that Congress could constitutionally charter a Bank of the United States, and that the propriety and necessity of doing so were to be judged by Congress. The President, Gen. Jackson, decided that such an act was unconstitutional, and vetoed it. With these examples before me, I feel authorized to express the opinion which I entertain, that the Fugitive Slave Act is unconstitutional, because Congress has no power
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