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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 206 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 194 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 172 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 163 1 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 1. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 154 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 147 5 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 146 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 144 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 142 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 138 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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m, was a direct incentive to the breaking up of the Federal compact; and now we have the pacific policy which followed Mr. Lincoln's accession to office cast aside, and a policy of force substituted which may end in destruction of thousands of livesrded as certain, the question that remains to be asked is, what will the principals gain by it? It is evident that President Lincoln has neither an, army nor a navy at hand to make the South submit; and it is equally certain that the South is even to which it may resort; but it is so terrible in conception, and would prove so malignant in practice, that we will do Mr. Lincoln the justice of expressing our disbelief in his ever having recourse to it. The South is so strong on its own ground thny which the Republicans ever waged against the Red Indians of the prairies. We cannot, as we have said, suppose that Mr. Lincoln and his supporters, after their recent declarations, would have recourse to this diabolical policy; and yet, short of
emphis and other cities. Kentucky would soon be out; her people were moving. Missouri--who could doubt the stand she would take?--when her Governor, in reply to Lincoln's insolent proclamation, had said:--You shall have no troops for the furtherance of your illegal, unchristian, and diabolical schemes! Missouri will soon add anoand those living under it had, like the phoenix, risen from their ashes. The revolution lately begun did not affect alone property, but liberty. He alluded to Lincoln's call for 75,000 volunteers, and said he could find no authority in the old Constitution for such a flagrant abuse of power. His second proclamation had stigmat be again administered in the city that bore his name. Every son of the South, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, should rally to the support of Maryland. If Lincoln quits Washington as ignominously as he entered it, God's will will have, been accomplished. The argument was now. exhausted. Be prepared; stand to your arms — d
as Congress, for it is arrogating to itself as much authority as Louis Napoleon or the Emperor of Russia ever exercised. The Republican Cabinet has been converted into an oligarchy, wielding unlimited authority. Genuine Republican theory and practice appear to be completely lost sight of. The Lincoln Cabinet, instead of merely carrying into effect the laws. that Congress passes, makes laws of its own, or rather proceeds to make war upon the Confederate States without any law. Why don't Mr. Lincoln fulminate a decree declaring Congress abolished, and himself and his friends in perpetual authority, with power to do just what they like, law or no law? He might as well do this, as to do what he is doing.--N. O. Bulletin, April 27. The Bulletin also says that while the South is a unit, public opinion in the North appears to be settling down into a determination to support the war measures of the Lincoln Administration. Among the journals which still resist the tremendous pressure o
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 103.--proclamation of Gov. Ellis, April, 1861. (search)
Doc. 103.--proclamation of Gov. Ellis, April, 1861. Whereas, by proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, followed by a requisition of Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, I am informed that the said Abraham Lincoln has made a call for seventy-five thousand men, to be employed for the invasion of the peaceful homes of the South, and for the violent subversion of the liberties of a free people, constituting a large part of the whole population of the late United States; and, whereas, this high-handed act of tyrannical outrage is not only in violation of all Constitutional law, utter disregard of every sentiment of humanity and Christian civilization, and conceived in a spirit of aggression unparalleled by any act of recorded history, but is a direct step toward the subjugation of the whole South, and the conversion of a free republic, inherited from our fathers, into a military despotism, to be established by worse than foreign enemies on the ruins of our once g
was ordered to be established; and whereas, since that date public property of the United States has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authority of the States of Virginia and North Carolina, an efficient blockade of the ports of these States will therefore also be established. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this 27th day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. By the President, Abraham Lincoln. William H. Seward, Secretary of State. --N. Y. Evening Post, April 29.
e. It was not, however, for the purpose of making this announcement that I have deemed it my duty to convoke you at an earlier day than that fixed by yourselves for your meeting. The declaration of war made against this Confederacy, by Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in his proclamation, issued on the 15th day of the present month, renders it necessary, in my judgment, that you should convene at the earliest practicable moment to devise the measures necessary for the defe listen with impatience to the suggestion of any constitutional impediment to the exercise of their will, and so utterly have the principles of the Constitution been corrupted in the Northern mind that, in the inaugural address delivered by President Lincoln in March last, he asserts a maxim which he plainly deems to be undeniable, that the theory of the Constitution requires, in all cases, that the majority shall govern. And in another memorable instance the same Chief Magistrate did not hesi
s, that Maryland--gallant little Maryland--right under the guns of Lincoln, and the threats of Blair, to make it a Free State, if the blood od if she has not delegates with us now, she is in open defiance of Lincoln and his Government, and will soon be with us, even by revolution. against you. As I told you when I addressed you a few days ago, Lincoln may bring his seventy-five thousand soldiers against us; but sevenbe that whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad. But for Lincoln's wicked and foolish war proclamation, the border States--some of , and linking their destinies with ours. We might afford to thank Lincoln a little for showing his hand. It may be that soon the Confederatust across the Potomac from the President's house; and again, that Lincoln's troops had occupied that point. My information is that both these statements are incorrect. Lincoln, however, has occupied Georgetown Heights. He has from fifteen to twenty thousand soldiers stationed i
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 124.--the Baptist Convention of Georgia. (search)
nfederacy known as the United States of America, and, for the better maintenance of her rights, honor, and independence, has united with other States in a new Confederacy, under the title of The Confederate States of America; and Whereas, Abraham Lincoln is attempting, by force of arms, to subjugate these States, in violation of the fundamental principle of American liberty; therefore, Resolved, by the members of the Baptist Convention of the State of Georgia, That we consider it to be atims all authority, whether ecclesiastical or civil, yet as citizens we deem it a duty to urge the union of all the people of the South in defence of the common cause, and to express the confident belief that in whatever conflict the madness of Mr. Lincoln and his Government may force upon us, the Baptists of Georgia will not be behind any class of our fellow-citizens in maintaining the independence of the South by any sacrifice of treasure, or of blood. Resolved, That we acknowledge with dev
The Mississippi Baptist, after describing the war policy of President Lincoln with reference to the Confederate States, adds: If he ceet in battle array.--President Davis has a policy as well as President Lincoln, a policy which he will as assuredly carry out,--a policy whipurpose existing on both sides, and says: What then? Will Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet pursue to the bitter, bloody end their fiendish hristian Index, of Georgia, throws the whole blame of the war upon Lincoln and his advisers ; says that upon the part of the South it is a waacy, and also Kentucky and Tennessee, and perhaps Arkansas; and if Lincoln persists in his coercive policy, President Davis will have no othen to Northern prowess. Thus will we force the ill-advisers of Mr. Lincoln to acknowledge and recognize our secession; we will compel an eqommanded by Southern officers, may suggest to these hirelings of Mr. Lincoln what Southern men can and will do when their wives and children
nsequences of which you can readily guess. The intention is to fire the three cities simultaneously, at as many places as possible, and at the same hour at night. This is to be done the night before the attack on Washington. * * * * * * has the direction of the whole plot. One hundred and twenty-five men have been assigned to your city and Brooklyn, and eighty to each of the others. This is not a movement of the Government, though known to Davis. At first he discouraged it, but since Lincoln's proclamation, he has withdrawn his opposition. The men intrusted with the execution of the plot all belong to the inner temple of the Knights of the Golden Circle. The plan has been maturing for two months past, but did not include New York until within a week or ten days. The men assigned to Boston and Philadelphia have been at their posts for a week, but the determination to include New York has caused a delay, and now the time will depend upon how soon Davis is to attack Washington
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