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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 65 3 Browse Search
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison 48 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 44 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 26 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 25 3 Browse Search
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist 24 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 12 0 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 4 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 4 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 4 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Elijah P. Lovejoy or search for Elijah P. Lovejoy in all documents.

Your search returned 13 results in 7 document sections:

John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 4: pro-slavery prejudice (search)
not incorporated in law, but its union was perfect. Bound together by a common interest and a common feeling, its members — in the highest sense co-partners in business and in politics, in peace and in war — were prepared to act together as one man. But why, I again ask, were the Northern people so infatuated with slavery? They raised no cotton and they raised no negroes, but many of them, and especially their political leaders, carried their adulation almost to idolatry. When Elijah P. Lovejoy was shot down like a dog, and William Lloyd Garrison was dragged half naked and half lifeless through the streets of Boston, and other outrages of like import were being perpetrated all over the North, it was carefully given out that those deeds were not the work of irresponsible rowdies, but of gentlemen --of merchants, manufacturers, and members of the professions. They claimed the credit for such achievements. There were reasons for such a state of things — some very solid, beca<
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 5: the political situation (search)
y extent. If the Dred Scott decision had been promulgated by our highest court, and the slaveholders had insisted upon the license it was intended to give them for taking their slave property into free territory, at the time that Garrison was being dragged by a mob through Boston's streets; when Birney's printingpress in Cincinnati was being tumbled into the Ohio River; when Pennsylvania Hall, the Quaker Abolitionists' forty-thousand-dollar construction, was ablaze in Philadelphia; when Lovejoy, the Abolition martyr, was bleeding out his life in one of the streets of Alton, Illinois-when, in fact, the whole land was swayed by a frenzied hatred of the men and women who dared to question slavery's right to supremacy, the writer believes the movement would have been successful. Public opinion was so inclined in States like Indiana and Illinois, and even in Ohio, that they might have been easily toppled over to the South. Indeed, at that time it is a problem how Massachusetts would
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 11: Anti-slavery orators (search)
reatest of American orators, made several speeches in Congress that will always command our highest admiration; but the one to which a somewhat extended reference is made in another chapter, when an attempt was made by the slaveholders to expel him from that body, easily ranks among the first three exhibitions of American eloquence. I quite agree with Mr. Curtis in giving the Faneuil Hall speech of Wendell Phillips a pre-eminent place. A meeting had been called to denounce the murder of Lovejoy, the Abolitionist editor. The audience was composed in large part of pro-slavery rowdies, who were bent on capturing or breaking up the meeting. One of their leaders — a high official of the State of Massachusetts, by the way-made a speech in which he justified the murderous act. That speech must be answered here and now, exclaimed a young man in the audience. Answer it yourself, shouted those about him. I will, was the reply, if I can reach the platform. To the platform he was assisted
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 12: Lincoln and Douglas (search)
a great deal from him. I thought his closing appeal in that great debate would contain some ringing words for freedom. He had, as I supposed, a great opportunity for telling eloquence. He stood almost on the ground that had drunk the blood of Lovejoy, the Anti-Slavery martyr. I felt that that fact ought to inspire him. I was disappointed. Mr. Lincoln's speech was altogether colorless. It was an argument, able but perfectly cold. It was largely technical. There was no sentiment in it. Lortyr. I felt that that fact ought to inspire him. I was disappointed. Mr. Lincoln's speech was altogether colorless. It was an argument, able but perfectly cold. It was largely technical. There was no sentiment in it. Lovejoy had died in vain so far as that address was concerned. I am free to say that I was led to doubt whether Mr. Lincoln was then in hearty sympathy with any movement looking to the freedom of the slave, and this impression was not afterwards wholly removed from my mind.
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 15: Anti-slavery martyrs (search)
n Brown and his comrades in self-sacrifice. I have already referred to Elijah P. Lovejoy who was a young Congregational clergyman, who went from the State of MainWe have slaves here, but I am not one of them. It was deemed advisable by Mr. Lovejoy and his friends to move his printing establishment to Alton, opposite Missouver. The same fate awaited two others that were procured. But, undismayed, Mr. Lovejoy and his friends once more decided that their rights and liberties should notommunity a public meeting had been called to denounce the Abolitionists. Mr. Lovejoy was invited to attend it and declare what he would do. Gentlemen, said he, the small hours of the morning, and was safely conveyed to a warehouse where Mr. Lovejoy and several of his friends assembled with a view to its protection. What fosome of the rioters mounted to the roof of the building and set it on fire. Mr. Lovejoy at this point stepped out of the building for the purpose of having a talk w
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 20: Missouri (search)
by the fact that a proposal looking to the very gradual extinguishment of slavery was rejected by it in an almost unanimous vote, a circumstance that led the leading pro-slavery journal of the State to boast that the convention had killed emancipation at the first pop. Very naturally such a body selected pro-slavery officials. Hamilton R. Gamble, whom it made Governor, was a bigoted supporter of the institution. He had not long before been mixed up in the proceedings that compelled Elijah P. Lovejoy to leave Missouri for Alton, Illinois, where he was murdered by a pro-slavery mob. Gamble was an able and ambitious man. The Conservatives, likewise, had the backing of the Federal Administration — a statement that to a good many people nowadays will be surprising. There were reasons why such should be the case. Judge Bates, of Missouri, who was Attorney-General in Lincoln's Cabinet, had long been Gamble's law partner and most intimate friend. He never was more than nominally a R
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Index (search)
e of 1858, 94; and slavery, 96, 97; preferred by slaveholders, 98; Recollections of, 134-135; and emancipation, 136-149; and Missouri Compromise, 139; message to Minister Dayton of Paris, 140; proposed constitutional amendment, 144; special message to Congress, December, 1863, 144; emancipation policy, 145; and Abolitionists, 147; and Free-Soilers, 172; Congressional sentiment toward, 177; antagonism to, 177-180; Life of, by I. N. Arnold, 177. Lincoln, Sumner, 205. Longhead, Joseph, 203. Lovejoy, Elijah P., shooting of, 32, 89, 14-115, 161. Lowell, Ellis Gray, 204. Lundy, Benjamin, 27, 50-54; meeting with Garrison, 54. Lyon, Nathaniel, 188. M McCrummil, James, 203. McCullough, John, 203. McKim, John, 203. Mace, Enoch, 203. Manumittal, arguments against, 34-35. Marshall, Tom, 70. Massachusetts Legislature and slavery, 105. May, Samuel J., 203. May, Rev. S. T., Recollections, 08. Mexican War, 44. Missouri, 157-185; Compromise, 6, 12, 139-140; admission to Union as slav