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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Origin of the late war. (search)
r. Webster, Mr. Jefferson undoubtedly concurred. Says Lunt, p. 203: Mr. Jefferson took a different view of the subject, and it is proper to give his opinion as stated by Mr. John Q. Adams (who appears to have agreed with him) in his eulogy on Mr. Madison. Mr. Adams said: Concurring in the doctrines that the separate States have a right to interpose in cases of palpable infractions of the constitution by the government of the United States, and that the alien and sedition acts presented a case n justly styled the father of the constitution. The government created by it was put into operation with her Washington, the father of his country, at its head; her Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, in his cabinet; her Madison, the great advocate of the constitution, in the legislative hall. Under the leading of Virginia statesmen the Revolution of 1798 was brought about, Louisiana was acquired, and the second war of independence was waged. Throughout the whole
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address before the Mecklenburg (N. C.) Historical Society. (search)
at the other. Have they succeeded in the department of politics? From Washington's inauguration to Grant's, the Republic had lasted (after a fashion) eighty years. Then a new element of voting power was introduced not known to the framers of the Constitution, and I therefore only estimate the time up to this Radical change. Of these eighty years, fifty-seven were passed under the Presidencies of Southern-born men, and but twenty-three under Northern Presidents. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson, served each eight years, forty years in all, just one-half the life of the nation. Tyler, Polk, Lincoln and Johnson, served each four years, and Taylor one. Of the twenty-three years under Northern Presidents, John and John Quincy Adams, Van Buren, Pierce and Buchanan, served each four years, and Fillmore three. The second Adams was not the choice of the people, and was elected by the House of Representatives. Mr. Fillmore was elevated by the death of President Taylo
a single word, it would be-conservative. General Johnston had been so long the stanch soldier of the United States that he was unwilling to contemplate the picture of its majestic fabric shattered and in ruins. If the States were to be severed, it mattered little to him under what class of rights the act was to be consummated. Whether called secession, or revolution, or rebellion, it was the prostration of that governmental ideal for whose exaltation his life had been spent. Like Mr. Madison, he had veiled the possibility, but the rude hand of fanaticism had rent the veil asunder. Ah! was it wise for the mighty North to force such faithful servants, such loyal hearts as this, as Jackson, as Lee, into resistance and the final argument of the battle-field. Lip-service and the hireling sword are everywhere at the command of power; but men like these, at their need, the generations must wait for. They are the product of wisdom, and justice, and beneficence, in the country which
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 1: parentage, and Early years. (search)
The death of the old man, in this quiet retreat, is thus recorded by one of the most distinguished of his descendants, John G. Jackson, of Clarksburg, Judge of the Court of the United States for the Western District of Virginia. He writes to Mrs. Madison, whose sister he had married, in 1801:-- Death, on the 25th of September, putt a period to the existence of my aged grandfather, John Jackson, in the eightysixth year of his age. The long life of this good man was spent in those noble anted among the men of the third generation. Of these, the eldest was John G. Jackson, a lawyer of great distinction at Clarksburg. He succeeded his father in Congress, married first Miss Payne, the sister of the accomplished lady who married Mr. Madison, President of the United States; and then, the only daughter of Mr. Meigs, Governor of Ohio, afterwards Postmaster-General; who was appointed first Federal Judge for the district of West Virginia. This office he filled with distinction until
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 5: secession. (search)
as rejected by the rest. Il this, the men who were afterwards claimed as the leaders of the party of centralization, such as Alexander Hamilton, agreed precisely with the men who thenceforward asserted the rights of the States, represented by Mr. Madison. In the Convention on the 31st May, 1787, Madison declared that the use of force against a State would be more like a declaration of war, than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered by the party attacked, as a dissoluMadison declared that the use of force against a State would be more like a declaration of war, than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered by the party attacked, as a dissolution of all previous compacts: a Union of States containing such an ingredient seemed to provide for its own destruction. In one of the debates on the New York State Convention, Hamilton said, To coerce a State would be one of the maddest projects ever devised. We have lived to see an attempt to coerce not one State but eleven. All agreed in declaring, that to give such a power over States, was inconsistent with the nature of the government designed, would infallibly corrupt it, and would mak
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
ciples and in the same relative condition in which our fathers made it. Why can it not exist divided into free and slave States? Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and the great men of that day, ,made this Government divided into free States and slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it plerent institutions. This doctrine of Mr. Lincoln, of uniformity among the institutions of the different States, is a new doctrine, never dreamed of of Washington, Madison, or the framers of this Government. Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party set themselves up as wiser than these men who made this Government which has flourished ful in all the States, old as well as new North as well as South. Now, I believe if we could arrest the spread, and place it where Washington, and Jefferson, and Madison placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction, and the public mind mind as for eighty years past, believe that it was in the course of ultimate exti
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
compel a popular vote on the ratification of their Constitution. Such was the general rule under Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson and Polk, under the Whig Presidents and the Democratic Presidents from the beginning of the Government down, anided into free and slave States, as our fathers made it? When this Government was established by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, Franklin, and the other sages and patriots of that day, it was composed of free States and slave States,that I had reported the bill in the exact shape of every bill of like character that passed under Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, or any other President, to the time of the then present Administration. I ask you, would that be evidforce a Constitution on a people against their will? If it were so, it would be evidence against Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, Van Buren, and every other President. But upon examination, it turns out that the Toombs bill never did co
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Cincinnati, Ohio, Oh September, 1859. (search)
beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution ; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers-Washington, Jefferson and Madison. We mean to remember that. you are as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when we have a chance — the white ones I mean, and I have the
for the apostasy of the five anti-Nebraska men of Democratic antecedents who clung to and finally forced the election of Lyman Trumbull. The student of history in after years will be taught to rever the name of Lincoln for his exceeding magnanimity in inducting his friends to abandon him at the critical period and save Trumbull, while he himself disappeared beneath the waves of defeat. After a number of ballots — Judd of Cook, Cook of La Salle, Palmer of Macoupin, and Allen and Baker of Madison voting for Trumbull — I asked Mr. Lincoln what he would advise us to do. He answered, Go for Trumbull by all means. We understood the case to be that Shields was to be run by the Democrats at first and then to be dropped, and Joel A. Matteson put up; and it was calculated that certain of our men who had been elected on the Free Soil issue would vote for him after they had acted with us long enough to satisfy their consciences and constituents. Our object was to force an election before th
General James Longstreet, From Manassas to Appomattox, Chapter 23: battle of Fredericksburg (continued). (search)
N. C., Col. John A. Gilmer, Jr.; 46th N. C., Col. E. D. Hall; 48th N. C., Lieut.-Col. Samuel H. Walkup; Cooper's (Va.) battery. First Corps artillery : Not assigned to divisions.-Washington (La.) Artillery, Col. J. B. Walton; 1st Co., Capt. C. W. Squires; 2d Co., Capt. J. B. Richardson 3d Co., Capt. M. B. Miller; 4th Co., Capt. B. F. Eshleman. Alexander's Battalion, Lieut.-Col. E. Porter Alexander; Bedford (Va.) Art., Capt. Tyler C. Jordan; Eubank's (Va.) battery, Capt. J. L. Eubank; Madison Light Art. (La.), Capt. Geo. V. Moody; Parker's (Va.) battery, Capt. William W. Parker; Rhett's (S. C.) battery, Capt. A. B. Rhett; Woolfolk's (Va.) battery, Capt. P. Woolfolk, Jr. Second Corps, Lieutenant-General Thomas J. Jackson. D. H. Hill's division, Maj.-Gen. Daniel H. Hill:--First Brigade, Brig.-Gen. R. E. Rodes; 3d, 5th, 6th, 12th, and 26th Ala. Second (Ripley's) Brigade, Brig.-Gen. George Doles; 4th Ga.; 44th Ga., Col. John B. Estes; 1st and 3d N. C. Third Brigade, Brig.-Gen.
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