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g the colonies into order, Knox, agent of Georgia. In Extra-official State Papers, II. 29. and ready to give his support to the highest system of authority of Great Britain over America. Being at the head of the Treasury, he was, in a special manner, responsible for every measure connected with the finances; and though he was himself a feeble man of business, yet his defects were in a measure supplied by Jenkinson, his able, indefatigable and confidential private secretary.—There was Mansfield, Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, II. 459-460. the illustrious jurist, who had boasted pub- chap. V.} 1763. Feb. licly of his early determination never to engage in public life, but upon whig principles; Murray's speech in his own defence before the Lords of the Privy Council in 1753. and, in conformity to them, had asserted that an act of parliament in Great Britain could alone prescribe rules for the reduction of refractory colonial assemblies. Opinion of Sir Dudley
as reprinted in England. Lord Mansfield, who had read it, rebuked those who spoke of it with contempt. But they rejoined, The man is mad. What then? answered Mansfield. One madman often makes many. Massaniello was mad: nobody doubted it; yet for all that he overturned the government of Naples. But Otis was a prophet, not tnion, that the duties payable in Canada to its former government at the time of the conquest, might be legally collected by the authority of the British king. Mansfield to Grenville, 24 Dec. 1764. But arbitrary taxation was the only relic of French usages which was retained. All the laws, customs, and forms of judicature Gov The ignorant, the greedy, and the factious, were appointed to offices which required integrity, knowledge, and abilities. Murray to Shelburne, 80 Aug. 1766. Mansfield to Grenville, 24 Dec. 1764. The judge pitched upon to conciliate the minds of seventy thousand foreigners to the laws and government of Great Britain, was taken
y introduced no system adapted to the age, no projects of reform; they gave no pledges in behalf of liberty, except such as might be found in the traditions of their party and their own personal characters. The old duke of Newcastle was the type of the administration, though he took only the post of privy seal, with the patronage of the church. chap. XV.} 1765. July. The law adviser of its choice, as attorney general, was Charles Yorke, whose political principles coincided with those of Mansfield. Its mediator with the king was the duke of Cumberland, who had a seat in the cabinet as its protector. But younger men also came into power, giving hope for the future. In place of Grenville, the able debater, the learned jurist, the post of head of the treasury was assigned to the marquis of Rockingham. He was an inexperienced man of five and thirty, possessing no great natural abilities, of a feeble constitution, and a nervous timidity which made him almost incapable of speaking i
om the jurisdiction of the British legislature. He cited Pennsylvania as having of all the colonies, the least pretension to the claim, since its charter expressly recognised impositions and customs by act of parliament. And he endeavored to bring the House to unanimity by recommending the ministry to assent to the amendment; for, said he, the question is most serious, and not one of the ordinary matters agitated between the persons in and out of office. Failing to prevent a division, Mansfield went away without giving a vote. The opposition was thought to have shown a great deal of ability, and to have expressed the prevailing opinion in the House of Lords, as well as the sentiments of the king. But the king's friends, unwilling to open a breach through which Bedford and Grenville could take the cabinet by storm, divided against the amendment with the ministry. In the House of Commons the new ministers were absent; for accepting office implies a resignation of a seat in the
ity to a better culture. Impassioned as was his manner, there was truth in his arguments, that were fitly joined together, so that his speech in its delivery was as a chain cable in a thunder storm, along which the lightning pours its flashes without weakening the links of iron. Men in America, for the moment, paid no heed to the assertion of parliamentary authority to bind manufactures and trade; they exulted at knowing that the Great Commoner had, in the House of Commons, taken up what Mansfield and the king called the trumpet of sedition, and thanked God for America's resistance. On the very next day the Duke of Grafton recommended to the king to send for Pitt, and hear his sentiments on American affairs. Had this been done, and had his opinion prevailed, who can tell into what distant age the question of American independence would have been adjourned? But at seven o'clock in the evening of the sixteenth, Grafton was suddenly summoned to the palace. The king was in that st
which (and, as he spoke, he appealed personally to Mansfield and Camden), I declare, as a lawyer, they have foe! The House of Lords accepted the argument of Mansfield as unanswerable, and when the house divided, only p. XXII.} 1766. Feb. for Camden himself, they said Mansfield had utterly prostrated him. De Guerchy au Duc de Praslin, 4 Fevrier, 1766. Even while Mansfield was explaining to the House of Lords, that the American thrth in the world's history more conspicuously than Mansfield. The one cherished feudalism as the most perfect rke and the Rockingham ministry on that night lead Mansfield, Northington, and the gentlemen of the long robe, to be the whiggism of the revolution of 1688, and Mansfield the British constitution of his times. In Englaocracy of the Middle Age, was to become its ally. Mansfield was its impersonation, and would transmit it, throtual representation as the colonists. Even while Mansfield was speaking, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. the press o
esearch; yet he mistook the true nature of representation, which he considered to be not of persons, but of property. The speech printed in the following year, found an audience in America, but in the House of Lords, chap XXIV.} 1766. Mar Mansfield compared it to words spoken in Nova Zembla, and which are said to be frozen for a month before any body can get at their meaning; and then with the loud applause of the peers, he proceeded to insist that the Stamp Act was a just assertion of thve been so changed? The House of Lords was so full on the occasion, that strangers were not admitted. Ten peers spoke against the repeal, and the lords sat between eleven and twelve hours, which was later than ever was remembered. Once more Mansfield and Camden exerted all their powers on opposite sides; while Temple indulged in personalities, aimed at Camden. The submission of the Americans, argued the Duke of Bedford, who closed the debate, is the palladium, which if suffered to be rem