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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.6 (search)
its advocates, except for a short speech by George Mason. Henry was the orator of the people — the Edmund Randolph, John Blair, James Madison, George Mason, George Wythe. Henry declined the appointmat Richmond in June, 1785. He was a prominent Mason, having been Grand Master of Masons in Virginited States. Judge Marshall was an enthusiastic Mason and was Grand Master of Masons in Virginia in munity at large under class legislation. George Mason was a Virginian, not only by birth, but in The views of Washington were the antithesis of Mason's. Washington believed in a strong centralizedpreme law of the land—the acts of Congress. Mason regarded Virginia as an empire within herself,ordinary powers conferred on the latter. When Mason first arose to address the Convention the audismanship; the Roman energy and Attic wit of George Mason; Madison with his incomparable powers of pemous Tilden-Hayes election. The fears of George Mason gave him perception into the future. He po[2 more...]<
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.7 (search)
very generous ignorance of polite and well-bred people of the South regarding the most patent details of the Southern President's career. In one of his piquante and meaty addresses Hon. Champ Clark, of Missouri, paralleled the manner in which noted Northerners and Southerners were treated in the histories, cyclopedias and biographical dictionaries of the last half century. He instanced among many that Robert Toombs—an important national factor on both sides of the supposititious line of Mason and Dixon—received a quarter-column comment and William H. Seward three columns; that Abraham Lincoln in several books averaged five columns, while Jefferson Davis—soldier, Senator, Cabinet minister and leader of a new nation—has one column. In his premise the brilliant and well-equipped Missourian was exceptionally correct; but his deduction from it seems scarcely tenable: that the disproportion was the fault of the North. Mr. Clark left an important factor out of his calculation: that
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), New England forced slavery. (search)
ted. In the sale of opium to China who is the arch sinner—England or the Chinese? In the importation of slaves by the slave trade, was it the slave trader, or his customer, who first and foremost was responsible? This infernal traffic, said George Mason, originated in the avarice of British merchants. The British government constantly checked the attempts of Virginia to put a stopto it. He lamented that some of our eastern brethren had from a lust of gain embarked in this nefarious traffic. the sum of all villainies. This was what New England made the condition precedent to Union. The capital invested in the lucrative exchange of rum for negroes could not (or would not) sooner adjust itself to the impractical views of Madison and Mason. The constitutional power of amendment was inhibited from touching this provision. By profits thus derived, the sons of New England, their legatees and distributees, have been enriched. Which of them has flung upon the ground the tainted money
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Constitution and the Constitution. (search)
Lee, in October, 1787, wrote to Edmund Randolph, The representatives of the seven Northern States, as they have a majority, can by law create a most oppressive monopoly upon the five Southern States, whose circumstances and productions are essentially different; although not a single man of these voters is representative of, or amenable to, the people of the Southern States. Can such a set of men be, with the least semblance of truth, called representatives of those they make laws for? George Mason said: A majority of interests will oppress the minority and refused to vote for the constitution in Federal or State convention. The distinguished gentleman, late secretary of war, more lately still a successful candidate for the highest Federal office, in a speech at Kansas City some years ago, described the attitude of protectionists toward Philippine products as the quintessence of selfishness. Class legislation may, in general, be so defined. But it is so, most abhorrently, when