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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., Holding Kentucky for the Union. (search)
, he was yet greatly tried by the importunities of the East Tennessee troops, and of the prominent politicians from that region, who made his camp their rendezvous, as well as by military suggestions from civilians more zealous than wise in such matters. The speech-making of distinguished visitors became a burden to Major-General Lovell H. Rousseau. From a photograph. him. On one occasion, when General Sherman visited his camp, ex-senator J. J. Crittenden, Senator Andrew Johnson, and Horace Maynard were there. A band came from the camp to serenade them, and the soldiers, not yet rid of their civilian characteristics, began calling for speeches from one after another. Thomas withdrew from the orators to the seclusion of a little room used as an office, on one side of the piazza from which they were speaking. One of his aides was writing in a corner, but Thomas did not see him, and began striding up and down the floor in growing irritation. At last Sherman, who was not then such
or him they did so over his expressed direction and without his knowledge. At another time he said that he wanted to give the South, by way of placation, a place in his cabinet; that a fair division of the country entitled the Southern States to a reasonable representation there, and if not interfered with he would make such a distribution as would satisfy all persons interested. He named three persons who would be acceptable to him. They were Botts, of Virginia; Stephens, of Georgia; and Maynard, of Tennessee. He apprehended no such grave danger to the Union as the mass of people supposed would result from the Southern threats, and said he could not in his heart believe that the South designed the overthrow of the Government. This is the extent of my conversation about the cabinet. Thurlow Weed, the veteran in journalism and politics, came out from New York and spent several days with Lincoln. He was not only the representative of Senator Seward, but rendered the President-elec
y stay I would spend with him in his office or waiting-room. I saw the endless line of callers, and met the scores of dignitaries one usually meets at the White House, even now; but nothing took place worthy of special mention here. One day Horace Maynard and Andrew Johnson, both senators from Tennessee, came in arm-in-arm. They declined to sit down, but at once set to work to discuss with the President his recent action in some case in which they were interested. Maynard seemed very earnesMaynard seemed very earnest in what he said. Beware, Mr. President, he said, and do not go too fast. There is danger ahead. I know that, responded Lincoln, good-naturedly, but I shall go just so fast and only so fast as I think I'm right and the people are ready for the step. Hardly half-a-dozen words followed, when the pair wheeled around and walked away. The day following I left Washington for home. I separated from Mr. Lincoln at the White House. He followed me to the rear portico, where I entered the carriage
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography, Chapter 16: (search)
the bitter personal attacks which had been made on the senator from Virginia by the Democrats, and principally by Senator Ben Hill of Georgia, since he had acted with the Republican party. Altogether the session was a very stormy one. Garfield's first appearance in public after his inauguration was at the unveiling of the Farragut statue, which had been executed by Mrs. Vinnie Ream Hoxie. A procession formed at the Capitol and marched to the statue. Speeches were made by Garfield, Horace Maynard of Tennessee, and Senator Voorhees of Indiana. Garfield also attended the commencement exercises and conferred the degrees at Kendall Green College for Deaf Mutes. President Garfield had the largest family that had been in the White House since General Grant's administration. Having four sons, as well as one daughter, it was necessary to provide some amusement for the growing boys. The billiard table was accordingly restored, enabling General Garfield also to take much-needed exer
Louisville to Nashville, while you throw the mass of your forces by rapid marches by Cumberland Gap or Walker's Gap on Knoxville, in order to occupy the railroad at that point, and thus enable the loyal citizens of eastern Tennessee to rise, while you at the same time cut off the railway communication between eastern Virginia and the Mississippi. Three times within the same month McClellan repeated this injunction to Buell with additional emphasis. Senator Andrew Johnson and Representative Horace Maynard telegraphed him from Washington: Our people are oppressed and pursued as beasts of the forest; the government must come to their relief. Buell replied, keeping the word of promise to the ear, but, with his ambition fixed on a different campaign, gradually but doggedly broke it to the hope. When, a month later, he acknowledged that his preparations and intent were to move against Nashville, the President wrote him: Of the two, I would rather have a point on the
eal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia. The action of Congress entirely conformed to this theory. That body admitted to seats senators and representatives from the provisional State governments of West Virginia and Missouri; and also allowed Senator Andrew Johnson of Tennessee to .retain his seat, and admitted Horace Maynard and Andrew J. Clements as representatives from the same State, though since their election Tennessee had undergone the usual secession usurpation, and had as yet organized no loyal provisional government. The progress of the Union armies was so far checked during the second half of 1862, that Military Governor Phelps, appointed for Arkansas, did not assume his functions; and Military Governor Stanley wielded but slight authority in North Carolina. Senator Andrew Johnson, appointed m
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 1: the political Conventions in 1860. (search)
on of Mr. Lincoln, which was the result of the great political conflict in the summer and autumn of 1860, soon revealed the existence of a well-organized conspiracy against the life of the Republic, widespread, powerful, and intensely malignant. The leading conspirators were few, and nearly all of them were then, or had been, connected with the National Government, some as legislators, and others as cabinet ministers. They were not so numerous at first, according to a loyal Tennessean (Horace Maynard), who knew them well, as the figures on a chess-board, but became wonderfully productive of their kind. There are those, he said, in a speech in Congress, within reach of my voice, who also know them, and can testify to their utter perfidy; who have been the victims of their want of principle, and whose self-respect has suffered from their insolent and overbearing demeanor. No Northern man was ever admitted to their confidence, and no Southern man, unless it became necessary to keep up
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 2: preliminary rebellious movements. (search)
graphic messages, volumes of letters, and scores of couriers, went from plantation to plantation, from village to village, from city to city, and from State to State, wherever the Slave power held sway, stirring up the people to revolt; whilst prominent individuals and public bodies hastened, on hearing of the result of the election, to swell the grand chorus of treasonable speech, led by the dozen — they were but a little more in number — of the chief conspirators. See the remarks of Horace Maynard, on page 85. Three, if not four, of these chief conspirators were President Buchanan's cabinet ministers and constitutional advisers. The three were Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War; and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior. William H. Trescot, of South Carolina, who for many years had been plotting against the life of the nation, was then Assistant Secretary of State, and their confederate in crime
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 1: effect of the battle of Bull's Run.--reorganization of the Army of the Potomac.--Congress, and the council of the conspirators.--East Tennessee. (search)
resent to muster and inspect them. F. N. Mcnairy. H. H. Harris. Bloodhound. camp Comfort, Campbell co., Tenn., Nov. 16. Among the most prominent of the East Tennessee Loyalists, who suffered persecution, were Andrew Johnson and Horace Maynard, members of Congress, and Rev. W. G. Brownlow, D. D., a Methodist preacher, and editor of the Knoxville Whig. See page 85, volume I. Brownlow's fearless spirit, caustic pen, social position, and public relations through the press and the pe set forth by Colonel Wood in a letter to Benjamin, Nov. 20, 1861. in which he declared that the sentiment of the inhabitants in East Tennessee was hostile to the Confederate government, and that the people were slaves to Andrew Johnson and Horace Maynard. To release the prisoners, he said, is ruinous. To convict them before a court is next to an impossibility. The bridge-burners and spies ought to be tried at once. This letter excited the brutal instincts of Benjamin, and he wrote back
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 6: siege of Knoxville.--operations on the coasts of the Carolinas and Georgia. (search)
aracter of the battle, 196. repulse of the National squadron, 197. We left Burnside in Knoxville, closely besieged by Longstreet. See page 158. His Headquarters were at the pleasant brick mansion of Mr. Crozier, on Gay Street, in the central part of the town. During the dark days of the siege il his bearing toward the citizens and his soldiers — kind, generous, and humane — won for him the profound respect of all, even the most rebellious. He visited the families of Dr. Brownlow, Mr. Maynard, Colonel Baxter, Colonel Temple, and other prominent citizens who were then exiles from their homes, and gave them every comfort and encouragement in his power; and at the office of the Knoxville Whig, Brownlow's newspaper, through which that stanch Unionist had so long and effectively fulminated his scathing thunderbolts of wrath against secessionists and rebels, Burnside's orders, and other printing, was done by willing Union hands. In the lurid light of the Civil War, that long, low b
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