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e companies of South-Carolina artillery--the Charleston battalion, which numbered only one hundred and fifty men; the Eutaw battalion, four hundred strong, and Col. McEnery's Louisiana battalion. Other regiments came to the relief of these troops, but most of the fighting was already over. It will be seen, therefore, that the enin attempting to storm our intrenchments, behind which Col. Lamar's artillery was stationed. Col. Lamar was the hero of the battle. He was severely wounded. Col. McEnery also deserves great praise. He led his Louisianians fearlessly into the fight with the watchword: Remember Butler. Every day's exploration of the surroundioking for material for more brigadier-generals, let promotion fall upon the lionhearted Col. Lamar, who defended the intrenchments, and the gallant and chivalrous McEnery, who, like Blucher, came into the field just in the nick of time. Since the battle, the enemy have been intrenching themselves silently at the lower end of Jam
ionary battery at Legare's Point, from his light artillery and from his small-arms, terribly severe, particularly so his fire on our right flank from across the creek at Hills's. Our battery at one time almost silenced by this latter fire. A gun, worked by Lieut.-Col. Ellison Capers,, in a little battery-across the creek, at Clarke's, somewhat flanking the enemy's advance, did effective service. By order of Col. Johnson Hagood, in command of advanced troops, the Louisiana battalion, Lieut.-Col. McEnery, reenforced the garrison at Secessionville during the fight, and rushing gallantly into the fire with the cry of Remember Butler, soon drove the enemy from his flanking position at Hill's. The Eutaw battalion on the right engaged the enemy for a short time in the woods, to the rear of Hill's house, when he fell back, together with the troops engaged by the Louisiana battalion and our other troops from across the creek. Then the entire force of the enemy, between five and six thousand
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 8. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Operations before Charleston in May and July, 1862. (search)
ery at Legare's Point, from his light artillery, and from his small arms, terribly severe; particularly so his fire on our right flank from across the creek at Hill's. Our battery at one time almost silenced by this latter fire. A gun, worked by Lieutenant-Colonel Ellison Capers, in a little battery across the creek at Clarke's, somewhat flanking the enemy's advance, did effective service. By order of Colonel Johnson Hagood, in command of advanced troops, the Louisiana battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel McEnery, reinforced the garrison at Secessionville during the fight, and rushing gallantly into the fire, with the cry of Remember Butler, soon drove the enemy from his flanking position at Hill's. The Eutaw battalion, on the right, engaged the enemy for a short time in the woods, to the rear of Hill's house, when he fell back, together with the troops engaged by the Louisiana battalion and our other troops from across the creek. Then the entire force of the enemy, between five and six th
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 1: Louisiana. (search)
igns in Louisiana. No one doubts the fact; but General McEnery and the White citizens assert that this reign osey to the front. Neither Governor Warmoth nor General McEnery could make it out. Against whom was Packard to or Governor and Lieutenant-Governor lay between General McEnery and General Penn, soldiers of local name, on onwithout a legal governor and a regular government. McEnery was content to wait until the Chambers met; but Kelumbers his opponents were superior to his friends. McEnery and Penn were men of wealth, position, and repute, be turned to good account? If neither Kellogg nor McEnery should be able to prove his case, Warmoth, the only the other. Under him there might be order. Under McEnery there was likely to be disorder; under Kellogg there great question as to which of the two candidates, McEnery and Kellogg, was legally elected, to the judges of ain that Chambers freely organized would have found McEnery and Penn duly elected to the executive office. It
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 2: reign of anarchy. (search)
only declared that Kellogg was not the lawful Governor of Louisiana, and Pinchback not the lawful Senator for Louisiana, but directed that a new election should be held, so that the reign of anarchy might be put down in true republican fashion, by a public vote. When pressed by the Senate to explain his action, President Grant admitted that the late election in Louisiana was a gigantic fraud. He yielded to the Senate, that a new election ought to be held, so as to ascertain whether General McEnery or William P. Kellogg was the popular choice; but he reserved to his cabinet the right of choosing a convenient time for calling on the citizens of Louisiana to exercise their right. All parties being now agreed that the late elections were void, Warmoth remained, as he contended, the legal Governor, bound to keep his seat and hold the Seal till his successor had been named. Nothing was done towards carrying out these wishes of the Senate, these conclusions of the President. Kell
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 3: White reaction. (search)
reversed each other's decrees. Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was repudiated by Congress. McEnery though supported by the main body of White citizens in New Orleans, was not recognised by the asending Antoine, the Negro porter, back to his stand in the Custom House, and by installing General McEnery and General Penn in office, as the Governor and Lieutenant-governor of their choice. Elen of Congress, Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, while the voters who had chosen McEnery and Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kellogg and Antoine. Might . . . but who couldould feel himself justified in meddling with the purely local question as to whether Kellogg or McEnery had a true majority of votes. Longstreet was a Southern man, and Emory would hardly go againste in New Orleans was fatal to the policy of President Grant. Election-day was nigh; and if Governor McEnery sat in the State House of New Orleans, the Republican ticket would be lost in Louisiana. K
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 5: the State House. (search)
io, a Republican, Phelps of New Jersey, a Republican, and Potter of New York, a Democrat, are in the city taking evidence, and the two Republicans hardly hide their agreement with the Democrat, that the attempt to govern through the aid of Federal soldiery is the cause of all the disorder seen about the Gulf. With critics so unfriendly to disarm, it is Kellogg's policy to seek some safe and legal ground; but where in Louisiana can intruders like Kellogg find that safe and legal ground? McEnery is not only stronger in votes but in repute and training. Many of his adherents, such as Penn, his Lieutenant-governor, and Wiltz, his candidate for Speaker, were familiar with public business and the rules of public life. Wealth, culture, eloquence are on their side. In Kellogg's group there is hardly a man of name. Among them may be good Republicans, men who heartily believe there is no way of saving Black equality except by crushing White freedom; but these Republicans have no voice
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 6: invasion! (search)
ss the sentries in Royal Street, except reporters for the press, officers on duty, and members of the House provided with certificates. Potter, of the congressional sub-committee, presents his card, and is refused admission to the State House. McEnery and Wiltz, anxious to have witnesses of the scene, invite Foster and Phelps, as well as Potter, to attend the opening of the assembly. The three members come together, but the sentries push them back. As chairman of the sub-committee, Foster sthem to their posts, and till that officer orders them away they will remain. Foster and Phelps observe these facts and note these words. To Wiltz it is now apparent that if stratagem fail, the scalawags are prepared to call in force, and to McEnery it is no less evident that the Federal officers are ready to obey that call. One hasty word, one heedless step, may lead to a collision. Let us be firm and quick, the citizens whisper to each other; most of all, let us abide within the law.
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 7: banditti (search)
If President Grant will leave Sheridan as free to act in Louisiana, as he left him free to act in the Blue Ridge valleys and the Peigan hunting-grounds, my dashing neighbour sees his way to square accounts with such opponents as Wiltz and Ogden, McEnery and Penn. I know these people well, he says, having lived with them in other times, when they were wilder than they are to-day. I have no doubt about my course. The White League must be trodden down. They are a bad lot: mere banditti, bent ofence to a White leaguer. No longer of opinion that a proclamation by President Grant is sufficient, Sheridan now asks the ministers to get an Act of Congress passed, giving him authority to hang such men as General Ogden and Captain Angel, Governor McEnery and Lieutenant-governor Penn. Banditti! How the word appears to leap on every lip and blister every tongue! Banditti? We banditti? We, the proudest gentlemen and noblest gentlewomen in America, branded as outlaws by a subaltern of Gener
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2, Chapter 8: the Conservatives. (search)
Conservatives. An aide-de-camp brings us an invitation from General McEnery to visit the Conservative headquarters in Canal Street; and intart from our hotel, now known as Headquarters of the Gulf. General McEnery occupies a suite of rooms in Canal Street, looking on the effi mockeries and burlesques. On entering the cabinet, we find Governor McEnery, Lieutenant-governor Penn, and several Senators, who decline till not be easily beaten from the ground they once take up. General McEnery is a small man, something like President Grant in face, with mty lies. All three are gentlemen of property. We claim, says General McEnery, to represent ninety-five per cent. of all the property in th, supported by a Black police, you have abuse. Is it true, General McEnery, that Conservatives, as a rule, object to giving Negroes politsands will vote for us when the Federal troops retire. From General McEnery's cabinet we go to the Conservative Lower House, in St. Louis
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