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and its ratification. Other writers, who have examined the subject since the late war gave it an interest which it had never commanded before, have collected such an array of evidence in this behalf that it is necessary only to cite a few examples. The following language of Gerry of Massachusetts in the convention of 1787, has already been referred to: If nine out of thirteen States can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the new one hereafter. Gouverneur Morris, one of the most pronounced advocates of a strong central government in the convention, said: He came here to form a compact for the good of Americans. He was ready to do so with all the States. He hoped and believed they all would enter into such a compact. If they would not, he would be ready to join with any States that would. But, as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree to. Madison Papers, p
Debates, Vol. V, p. 266. James Wilson of Pennsylvania said sovereignty is in the people before they make a Constitution, and remains in them, and described the people as being thirteen independent sovereignties. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 443. Gouverneur Morris, who was, as well as Wilson, one of the warmest advocates in the convention of a strong central government, spoke of the Constitution as a compact, and of the parties to it as each enjoying sovereign power. See Life of Gouverneur Morris,Gouverneur Morris, Vol. III, p. 193. Roger Sherman of Connecticut declared that the government was instituted by a number of sovereign States. See Writings of John Adams, Vol. VII, letter of Roger Sherman. Oliver Ellsworth of the same state spoke of the states as sovereign bodies. See Elliott's Debates, Vol. II, p. 197. These were all eminent members of the convention which formed the Constitution. There was scarcely a statesman of that period who did not leave on record expressions of the same sort.
er 10: A recapitulation remarkable propositions of Gouverneur Morris in the convention of 1787, and their fate further testimonythe 17th of July, this proposition being under consideration, Gouverneur Morris moved that the words national Legislature be stricken out, ancentralism in the convention. Now, it is not at all certain that Morris had in view an election by the citizens of the United States in the and received the approval of only one state—Pennsylvania, of which Morris and Wilson were both representatives. Nine states voted against it the Constitution by conventions of the people of each state, Gouverneur Morris—as we learn from Madison—moved that the reference of the plan of the latter is briefly recorded in the two words, not seconded. Morris was a man of distinguished ability, great personal influence, and ustates into one consolidated mass —unless it was suggested by Gouverneur Morris in the proposition above referred to, in which he stood alon
Position of neutrality, 355-61. Seizure of Camp Jackson, 356-58. Attempts for peace, 358-60, 362-63. Assembling of volunteers, 363-64. Skirmishes, 364-65. Ordinance of secession, 370-71. Compromise, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10-12, 23, 25, 28, 59, 71. Monroe, Judge, 342. Montgomery, General, 370. Convention, 197. Constitution adopted, 197. Election of officers, 197. Moore, Dr. L. P. Surgeon general of Confederacy, 268-69. Morehead, —, 344. Morgan, John H., 342, 351. Morris, Gouverneur, 117, 123. Proposed method of presidential election, 135-36. Island, 243. Motley, John Lothrop, 112, 113, 119. Extract from letter to London times, 110-11. Remarks on sovereignty, 121-22, 127. Munford, Col. George W., 231. Extract from letter of Judge Campbell, 232, 233. Musser, Col. R. H., 369. Myers, Col. A. C. Quartermaster general of Confederacy, 268. N Nashville Convention of 1849, 198. Nebraska, 24. Settlement, 26. Nelson, Judge, 231, 232, 2