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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 40: social relations and incidents of Cabinet life, 1853-57. (search)
d not allow. This led to a correspondence painful to both, which, having passed out of sight, it is useless to recall. An unusual number of pleasant people were in Washington during Mr. Pierce's Administration. In the winter of 1854, Mr. Charles O'Connor came there with his handsome bride, the ci-devant Mrs. McCracken. I knew so little then of New York lawyers, and had only heard of him through his knightly defence of Mrs. Forest, that I should not have noticed the announcement of his preould have been tiresome, but one can patiently wait for treasures no matter how slowly they may be doled out. They were much feted and we met them everywhere, and had the pleasure of receiving them at our own house several times. At that time Mr. O'Connor conceived the respect and regard for my husband which bore such priceless fruit in our day of helplessness and sorrow. Mr. and Mrs. Charles King, of Columbia College, spent the winter in Washington, and Mrs. King remains an ideal old lady
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Bancroft on the Declaration of Independence. (search)
Mr. Bancroft on the Declaration of Independence. Mr. Rufus Choate, deceased, has left upon record his opinion, that the ethics of the Declaration of Independence are merely glittering generalities. Mr. Caleb Cushing, muzzy and mazy as he is, in thought and expression, has contrived to assert, with tolerable clearness, that in his opinion all men are not born free and equal. Mr. Charles O'Connor is of the same mind. So in his day was Mr. John C. Calhoun. Of course there is nothing to be astonished at in this resort to arrogant paradox. These gentlemen living or dead, having determined beforehand to defend a bad system, could begin the work in no other way than by ignoring the axioms of the Revolution. Not until the broad humanity of the Declaration had been explained, philosophized and sophisticated to mere nothingness, or to something sadder, were these traitors to universal humanity able to repeat, without blushing, sentiments too revolting to be suddenly and nakedly promul
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
use in 1873, and Mr. Seward himself, instead of saying that John Brown was justly hung, may dare then to declaim, as Charles O'Connor does now, in the Supreme Court at Albany:-- A man who knows that the law under which he lives violates the firs Brown the tribute of their admiration, or from his deeds the sanction of their approval? That is the opinion of Charles O'Connor, the head of the New York Bar, the new-fledged orator of Democracy, and the counsel for Virginia in the Lemmon case.he United States? Well, I think the Historical Society had better take it for their Museum. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. O'Connor, too, who gave the key-note to the New York meeting. The only argument he has for the Union is his assurance that, ifust have been under the influence of an anodyne to have forgotten, but which, perhaps, it is better, on the whole, for Mr. O'Connor, being an Irishman, to recollect. It is this: in case of dissolving, we shall no longer own the grave of Washington,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
eting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen take possession of a meeting, and the fitness of those gentlemen to take possession of a meeting. On the 3d of December, certain gentlemen--Rev. J. Sella Martin, James Redpath, Mr. Eldridge, Mr. O'Connor, Mr. Le Barnes-hired the Temple for a Convention to assemble at their request. The circular which they issued a month before, in November, invited the leaders and representatives of all the antislavery bodies, and those who have done honor to their own souls by the advocacy of human freedom, to meet them in convention. Certainly the fops and the clerks of Boston could not come under that description. The notice published the day before proclaimed that the convention was not met for deb
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
all connection with it, all vassalage to it, immediately, would be a better, healthier, and more wholesome cure, than to let the Republican party exert this gradual influence through the power of the government for thirty or sixty years. We are seeking the best way to get rid of a great national evil. Mr. Seward's way is to take the Union as a fixed fact, and then educate politics up to a certain level. In that way we have to live, like Sinbad, with Gushing and Hillard and Hallett and O'Connor and Douglas, and men like them, on our shoulders, for the next thirty or forty years; with the Deweys and President Lords, and all that class of men,--and all this timid servility of the press, all this lack of virtue and manhood, all this corruption of the pulpit, all this fossil hunkerism, all this selling of the soul for a mess of pottage, is to linger, working in the body politic for thirty or forty years, and we are gradually to eliminate the disease! What an awful future What a miser
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 12. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Some great constitutional questions. (search)
the Constitution itself, to be sufficient for the establishment of it. At the conclusion of his most exhaustive historical and constitutional argument, the author asserts that the whole case against Davis, Lee et als, is based on a perversion of the principles of our polity— based, to use his own language—solely on falsehood, fraud and violence; and he contends that it is only on ground, composed of these detestable ingredients that their gibbet can be erected. In December, 1865, Charles O'Connor characterized the work as an admirably prepared and overwhelmingly conclusive brief for Davis's defence, and, some time afterward, he employed the author in the case; the Philadelphia Ledger stated that a most important argument had been received by the President from London, in which are set forth the reasons why Davis cannot be convicted in any court; and many leading papers of that day noticed the work as one of extraordinary research and ability, specially designed to show that Davi
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Republic of Republics. (search)
ief that it is the ablest work ever written in support of the right of self-government, as well as the best of all treatises on our American federal system. Charles O'Connor, the great New York lawyer, in a letter to the author, said: If, upon the numerous points that any lawyer can see in the case, I had so admirably prepared an overwhelmingly conclusive brief as the protest, my task (in defending Davis) would be slight indeed. What sort of brief Mr. O'Connor would have prepared, we know not, but, to an impartial mind, nothing more conclusive than the demonstration in this book would seem to be possible, even to the great intellect of Mr. O'Connor. BuMr. O'Connor. But, it has done something more than demonstrate the legal innocence of the Confederate States and of Davis and Lee. It, together with Lunt's history of The Origin of the Late War, place Massachusetts, and the New England States, in a position such as no enlightened and honorable, to say nothing of Christian communities occupy anywh
The Daily Dispatch: December 18, 1860., [Electronic resource], Secession movement at the South. (search)
Secession movement at the South. Union Meeting in New York — Nullification Reminiscences.--South Carolina Postal Laws — Anti-Abolition Mob in Boston, &c. The Union Meeting in New York. The New York papers contain long accounts of the Union meeting held in New York, Saturday, by prominent merchants and others to send Commissioners to the South.--Charles O'Connor presided. In taking the chair he said, among other things, in his address.-- Let no man suspect me of infidelity to the North, or of going, cap in hand, sneaking, to seek favor of any description from the South. I demand nothing, and we demand nothing from it. But let me say, as to the North, that I have no fear of the dishonest politicians of the North--there are dishonest politicians every where. I have no fear of those who are denominated the leaders at the North. There is no source of evil whatever in the North except the honest, conscientious people of the North, who have drank into their bosom this dr
The Daily Dispatch: December 17, 1860., [Electronic resource], Secession movement at the South. (search)
Union meeting at New York --Preposition to Send a Peace Commissioner to South Carolina. New York, Dec. 13. --A meeting of the prominent merchants and politicians of the State and city of New York is in session to day — Charles O'Connor, Esq. presiding. Speeches were made by Messrs. John A. Dix and John McKeon. The latter expressed the opinion that the Union was Already disordered and there would be a civil war after the 4th of March. Speeches are still being made on a motion to send Commissioners to South Carolina to export temperate action and delay. [second Dispatch.] New York, Dec. 16. --Yesterday when Mr. Nikson concluded his speech Mr. Dickinson expressed the apprehension that the Union is even now hopelessly dissolved, and attributed to bad politicians who have vitiated the public mind. Mr. Kerchum was more hopeful. He believed that public sentiment could be reached and corrected. Letters were received from a large number of p
The Daily Dispatch: December 19, 1860., [Electronic resource], Secession movement at the South. (search)
the establishment of the American Constitution that New York was not loyal to her duties under it, faithful to the spirit and the letter. The ablest men of New York are found at her bar, and rarely consent to enter public life. Such men as Charles O'Connor would disdain a seat in Congress — an unfortunate fact, which is true, more or less, of all the Northern States, for it has thrown open the doors of political preferment to men of a third and fourth rate class, who cannot obtain a livelihoodader. But this is all. In an unpremeditated discussion on the floor of the Senate, there are few Southern debaters who do not carry too many guns for the cut and dry Auburn oratory and in a legal grapple at the New York bar, with such giants as O'Connor, be would not have a whole bone left in his body. When we speak of a New York statesman, the image of Dr Witt Clinton rises to our mind, the man whose genius created that New York which Wm H Seward. the demagogue and destructionist, has done hi
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