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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address of Congress to the people of the Confederate States: joint resolution in relation to the war. (search)
Hitherto the Lord has interposed graciously to bring us victory, and in His hand there is present power to prevent this great multitude which come against us from casting us out of the possession which He has given us to inherit. T. J. Semmes, J. L. Orr, A. E. Maxwell, Committee on the part of the Senate. J. W. Clapp, J. L. M. Curry, Julian Hartridge, John Goode, Jr., W. N. H. Smith, Committee of the House of Representatives. Signed by Thomas S. Bocock, Speaker of House of Representatler, James M. Baker, Robert W. Barnwell, A. G. Brown, Henry C. Burnett, Allen T. Caperton, John B. Clark, Clement C. Clay, William T. Dortch, Landon C. Haynes, Gustavus A. Henry, Benjamin H. Hill, R. M. T. Hunter, Robert Jemison, Jr.; Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia; Robert W. Johnson, of Arkansas; Waldo P. Johnson, of Missouri; Augustus E. Maxwell, Charles B. Mitchel, W. S. Oldham, James L. Orr, James Phelan, Edwin G. Reade, T. J. Semmes, William E. Simms, Edward Sparrow, and Louis T. Wigfall.
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., The Confederate Government at Montgomery. (search)
ed in debate; but Mr. Perkins moved, as an amendment, six years instead of twenty. As this was carried, Mr. Rhett moved to lay the resolution on the table, which was done; and this was the only effort made to appeal to the interests of foreign nations, to secure recognition of the independence of the Confederate States, or to obtain assistance. Upon his return from abroad, Mr. Yancey met Mr. Rhett and said: You were right, sir. I went on a fool's errand. In December, 1863, at Richmond, James L. Orr, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate, said to the writer, The Confederate States have had no diplomacy. In March, 1863, proposals were made for a loan of $15,000,000 on 7 per cent. bonds, secured by an engagement of the Confederate Government to deliver cotton at 12 cents per pound within 6 months after peace. The loan stood in the London market at 5 per cent. premium; and the applications for it exceeded $75,000,000. In the Provisional Congress at Montgomery, M
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
dly legislation to introduce it, but if they do not want it, they withhold all protection from it, and then it cannot exist there. Such was the view taken on the subject by different Southern men when the Nebraska bill passed, See the speech of Mr. Orr of South Carolina, the present Speaker of the House of Representatives of Congress, made at that time, and there you will find this whole doctrine argued out at full length. Read the speeches of other Southern Congressmen, Senators and Representatives, made in 1654, and you will find that they took the same view of the subject as Mr. Orr--that slavery could never be forced on a people who did not want it. I hold that in this country there is no power on the face of the globe that can force any institution on an unwilling people. The great fundamental principle of our Government is that the people of each State and each Territory shall be left perfectly free to decide for themselves what shall be the nature and character of their ins
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
that right after he gets there? The man who goes there with his slaves finds that there is no law to protect him when he arrives there. He has no remedy if his slaves run away to another country: there is no slave code or police regulations, and the absence of them excludes his slaves from the Territory just as effectually and as positively as a Constitutional prohibition could. Such was the understanding when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was pending in Congress. Read the speech of Speaker Orr, of South Carolina, in the House of Representatives, in 1856, on the Kansas question, and you will find that he takes the ground that while the owner of a slave has a right to go into a Territory, and carry his slaves with him, that he cannot hold them one day or hour unless there is a slave code to protect him. He tells you that slavery would not exist a day in South Carolina, or any other State, unless there was a friendly people and friendly legislation. Read the speeches of that gian
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
the owner could not ordinarily retain it. Therefore, though the right would remain, the remedy being withheld, it would follow that the owner would be practically debarred, by the circumstances of the case, from taking slave property into a Territory where the sense of the inhabitants was opposed to its introduction. So much for the oft-repeated fallacy of forcing slavery upon any community. You will also find that the distinguished Speaker of the present House of Representatives, Hon. Jas. L. Orr, construed the Kansas and Nebraska bill in this same way in 1856, and also that great intellect of the South, Alex. H. Stephens, put the same construction upon it in Congress that I did in my Freeport speech. The whole South are rallying to the support of the doctrine that if the people of a Territory want slavery they have a right to have it, and if they do not want it that no power on earth can force it upon them. I hold that there is no principle on earth more sacred to all the fri
The Atlanta (Georgia) Campaign: May 1 - September 8, 1864., Part I: General Report. (ed. Maj. George B. Davis, Mr. Leslie J. Perry, Mr. Joseph W. Kirkley), chapter 127 (search)
ef of artillery, proved himself a skillful and energetic officer by his excellent management of his batteries throughout the campaign. Captain Gardner and Lieutenant Coe, battery commanders, performed their duties ably and efficiently. Their batteries are among the best in the service. To my staff-consisting of Capt. T. W. Morrison, assistant adjutant-general; Maj. John H. Phillips, medical director; Thomas H. Daily, captain and aide-de-camp; Lieut. Thomas J. Carney, aidede-camp; Capt. James L. Orr, commissary of subsistence; Capt. J. E. Remington, assistant quartermaster; Capt. Leonidas A. Cole, commissary of musters; Capt. Charles M. Barnett, chief of artillery; Capt. Hamilton W. Hall, inspector; Capt. John F. Squier, provostmarshal; Lieut. John Paul Kuntze, topographical engineer; Lieut. George Scroggs, ordnance officer — I am again under obligations for their zealous assistance throughout the campaign. Their duties were often exceedingly arduous, and were always performed by
The Atlanta (Georgia) Campaign: May 1 - September 8, 1864., Part I: General Report. (ed. Maj. George B. Davis, Mr. Leslie J. Perry, Mr. Joseph W. Kirkley), chapter 128 (search)
cting commissary of subsistence, for long and faithful discharge of their respective duties, also deserve promotion. I have had occasion in previous reports to mention these officers; they are honest, vigilant, and every way qualified. Captain Stinson, provost-marshal, Captain Race, acting assistant inspector-general, Lieutenant Waterman, aide-de-camp, and Surgeon Watson, of my old brigade staff, are all good officers and have faithfully discharged their respective duties. I have found Captain Orr, commissary of subsistence, and Lieutenant Scroggs, ordnance officer, both officers of merit and thoroughly acquainted with their respective duties. Major Petri, topographical engineer, a valuable and scientific officer in his staff department, has also been very attentive and vigilant in the performance of his duties. I forward herewith brigade and regimental reports, to which I call attention; also inclosed casualty report, marked A, and report of prisoners taken, marked B. All
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 43: thirty-sixth Congress — Squatter sovereignty, 1859-61. (search)
y-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegations against slavery. The results of the contests for the Speakership in these two Congresses were significant. In the Thirty-fifth Congress, James L. Orr, Democrat, of South Carolina, had been elected on a single ballot, by 128 votes against 84 for Galusha A. Grow, the Republican candidate. In the Thirty-sixth Congress, at the opening of the first session, the roll stood, 109 Republicans to 101 Democrats — a gain ominous for those who had hoped against hope to obtain, within the Union, the justice guaranteed by the Constitution. The Republicans, however, could not boast of a decided majority, the balance of power being held by a few m
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 2: preliminary rebellious movements. (search)
lt upon a plan of treasonable operations. Hammond was then a member of the United States Senate, pledged by solemn oath to see that the Republic received no hurt; and yet, under his roof, he met in conclave a band of men, like himself sworn to be defenders of his native land, from foes without and foes within, to plot schemes for the ruin of that country. At his table, and in secret session in his library, sat William H. Gist, then Governor of South Carolina; ex-governor James H. Adams; James L. Orr, once Speaker of the National House of Representatives; the entire Congressional Delegation of South Carolina, These were John McQueen, Lawrence M. Keitt, Milledge L. Bonham, John D. Ashmore, and William W. Boyce, of the House of Representatives, and Senators James H. Hammond and James Chesnut, Jr. excepting William Porcher Miles (who was compelled by sickness to be absent), and several other prominent men of that State. Then and there the plan for the overt act John Caldwell Calhou
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
ordinance of secession ; This committee was composed of John A. Inglis, Robert Barnwell Rhett, James Chesnut, Jr., James L. Orr, Maxcy Gregg, Benjamin Faneuil Duncan, and W. Ferguson Hutson. another to prepare an address to the people of the Soutir.R. G. Davant.John G. Landrum. J. N. Whitner.Henry Campbell Davis.Thomas Worth Glover.E. M. Seabrook.B. B. Foster. James L. Orr.John Buchanan.Lawrence M. Keitt.John J. Wannamaker.Benjamin F. Kilgore. J. P. Reed.James C. Furman.Donald Rowe Bartonement, substantially. On the 21st, December 1860. the Convention appointed Robert W. Barnwell, James I. Adams, and James L. Orr, Commissioners to proceed to Washington, to treat for the possession of the National property within the limits of Soure the names of the Commissioners appointed to visit other Slave-labor States:--To Alabama, A. P. Calhoun; to Georgia, James L. Orr; to Florida, L. W. Spratt; to Mississippi, M. L. Bonham; to Louisiana, J. L. Manning; to Arkansas, A. C. Spain; to Tex
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