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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Combs, Leslie 1794-1881 (search)
ear approach. He called for a volunteer, when Leslie Combs—then nineteen years of age —promptly responded. When we reach Fort defiance, said Combs, if you will furnish me with a good canoe, I will carry your despatches to General Harrison and return with his orders. I shall only require four or five volunteers and one of my Indian guides to accompany me. Combs was properly equipped, and on May 1 he started on his perilous errand, accompanied by two brothers named Walker and two others (Paxton and Johnson); also by young Black Fish, a Shawnee warrior. They passed the rapids in safety, when the roar of the siege met their ears. Great peril was in their way. It was late in the morning. To remain where they were until night or to go on was equally hazardous. We must go on, said the brave Combs. As they passed the last bend in the stream that kept the fort from view they were greatly rejoiced to see the flag was still there, and that the garrison was holding out against a strong
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Hutchinson, Thomas 1711-1780 (search)
ublished, and created intense excitement throughout the colonies. The tempest of indignation which they raised was fearful to Hutchinson and his friends. When a committee waited upon him for an explicit answer as to the authenticity of his own letters, he replied, They are mine, but were quite confidential. This was not satisfactory, and the Assembly adopted a petition to the King for his removal. The writers of the letters were Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver (lieutenant-governor), Charles Paxton, Thomas Moffatt, Robert Auchmuty, Nathaniel Rogers, and George Rome. See Franklin, Benjamin. So eager was the King to see Governor Hutchinson, of Massachusetts, on his arrival in England in July, 1774, that he was hurried by Lord Dartmouth to the presence of his Majesty without time to change his clothes. He gave the King much comfort. He assured him that the Port Bill was a wise and effective method for bringing the Boston people into submission; that it had occasioned extreme ala
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Paxton massacre, the (search)
Paxton massacre, the The atrocities of Pontiac's confederates on the frontiers of Pennsylvania aroused the ferocity of the Scotch-Irish settlers there, and on the night of Dec. 14, 1763, nearly fifty of them fell upon some peaceful and friendliles. Very few of the Indians were ever at Conestoga, and all who remained—men, women, and children—were murdered by the Paxton boys, as they called themselves. The village, with the winter stores, was laid in ashes. The citizens of Lancaster collected the scattered survivors into the workhouse for protection. The Paxton boys burst into it, and before the citizens could assemble, murdered all the Indians and fled. The Moravian Indians at Wyalusing and Nain hurried to Philadelphia for protection, but the Paxton boys threatened to go there in large numbers and kill them, and they were sent to Province Island, put under the charge of the garrison there, and were saved. The government offered a reward for the arrest of the murderers, but
nnessee.— Pitts administration continued. 1759-1760. the capitulation of Quebec was received by chap. XV.} 1759. Townshend, as though the achievement had been his own; and his narrative of the battle left out the name of Wolfe, whom he indirectly censured. He had himself come over for a single summer's campaign, to be afterwards gloried about and rewarded. Barrington's Barrington. As he hurried from the citadel, which he believed untenable, back to the secure gayeties of London, Charles Paxton, an American by birth, one of the revenue officers of Boston, ever on the alert to propitiate members of government and men of influence with ministers, purchased J. Adams: Diary, 220. his future favor, which might bring with it that of his younger brother, by lending him money that was never to be repaid. Such was the usage of those days. Officers of the customs gave as their excuse for habitually permitting evasions of the laws of trade, that it was their only mode of getting r
support a general accusation against the Province. At Boston, Charles Paxton, the Marshal of the Court of Admiralty, came with the Sheriff a, 1767. and of Hutchinson. Hutchinson to R. Jackson, introducing Paxton; date not given, but evidently of Oct. 1766. We are drawing neaec. 1766; and J. Williams in reply, 5 Jan. 1767. Hutchinson to Charles Paxton, then in London, Dec. 1766. The Resolves of Parliament were citrisy of Hutchinson; and roused the public to a sense of danger from Paxton's Hutchinson to Paxton, Dec. 1766. voyage to England. The jealoPaxton, Dec. 1766. voyage to England. The jealous Legislature dismissed Richard Jackson from the service of the Province; and the House elected the honest, but aged Dennys De Berdt as its od had not subsided, when traces began to appear of the influence of Paxton, who had arrived from Boston, to tell his stories of rebellion agai hope of succeeding where Grenville had failed; and in concert with Paxton, from Boston, he was devising a scheme for a Board of Customs in Am
mber. Answer of the House, 31 Jan. 1767, in Bradford, 104; and Letter from the House to Dennys De Berdt, 16 March, 1767 The Council, by a unanimous vote, denied his pretensions. The language of the Charter was too explicit to admit of a doubt; Opinion of the Attorney General in England, cited in a Minute relative to Massachusetts Bay, 1767. yet Bernard, as the accomplice of Hutchinson, urged the interposition of the central Government. Men feared more and more the system which Feb Paxton had gone to mature. With unshaken confidence in Hawley, Otis, and Samuel Adams, Freeborn American, in Boston Gazette, 9 March, 1767. they scanned with increasing jealousy every measure that Chap. Xxviii} 1767. Feb. could imply their consent to British taxation. They inquired if more troops were expected; and when the Governor professed, in pursuance of the late Act of Parliament, to have made provision at the Colony's expense for those which had recently touched at Boston Harbor, they
ority and reduce every refractory body to obedience, appeared to it the perfection of statesmanship, and the true method of colonial reform. A good system would have Chap XXIX} 1767. May. been a consummate work of deliberative wisdom; the principle of despotic government acted with more speed and uniformity, having passion for its interpreter, and a statesman like Townshend, to execute its impulses. That statesman had no ear except for complaints against the Colonies, and for men like Paxton, who blinded him to every thing but what suited their cupidity. It was his purpose Compare Trecothick in Cavendish, i. 212. to effect a thorough revolution in colonial government, and to lay the foundation of a vast American revenue. The American merchants and friends to the Colonies took the utmost pains to moderate resentments and to extinguish jealousies. Their committee, with Trecothick at its head, interposed with Townshend;. but he answered: I do not in the least doubt the righ
ernard, Bernard to Shelburne, 31 August, 7 September, 1767. will be impracticable without violence; and he advised a regiment of soldiers as the surest way of inspiring notions of acquiescence and submission. Ships of war and a regiment, said Paxton in England, Compare Bollan to Hutchinson, 11 August, 1767. are needed to ensure tranquillity. Never was a community more distressed or Oct. divided by fear and hope, than that of Boston. There the American Board of the Commissioners of thd; and to that town the continent was looking for an example. Rash words were spoken, Bernard to Shelburne, 21 Sept. 1767. rash counsels conceived. The Chap. XXX.} 1767. Oct. Commissioners, said the more hasty, must not be allowed to land.—Paxton must, like Oliver, be taken to Liberty Tree or the gallows, and obliged to resign.—Should we be told to perceive our inability to oppose the mother country, cried the youthful Quincy, we boldly answer, that in defence of our civil and religious r
rd, he had sacrificed the favor of the King. Left to battie alone by the ally for whom he had been a martyr, the famed financier saw the nothingness of the calculations of party. His health began to fail; the little that remained to him of life became steeped in bitterness; he seemed ready to curse his former associates and to die. At the time when the public indignation was roused by the news of the general agreement which the town of Boston was promoting, and fears were entertained, that Paxton on his arrival would be taken to Liberty Tree and compelled to resign his new commission, Durand to Choiseul, 10 Dec. 1767. the Ministry was revolutionized, but without benefit to Grenville. The Colonies were taken from Shelburne and consigned to a separate department of State, with Lord Hillsborough as its Secretary. Conway made room for Lord Weymouth, a vehement but not forcible speaker; in private life, cold and taciturn; impoverished by gambling, and of such habits that the world
l, 23 Feb. 1768. How to induce the British Government to change the Charter, and send over troops was the constant theme of discussion; and it was concerted that the eighteenth of March, the anniversary of the Repeal of the Stamp Act, should be made to further the design. Reports were industriously spread of an intended insurrection on that day; of danger to the Commissioners of the Customs. The Sons of Liberty, on their part, were anxious to preserve order. At day-break the effigy of Paxton and that of another revenue officer, were found hanging on Liberty Tree; they were instantly taken Chap. XXXII.} 1768. March down by the friends of the people. The Governor endeavored to magnify the atrociousness of the insult, and to express fears of violence; the Council justly insisted there was no danger of disturbance. The day was celebrated Boston Gazette of 21 March, 1768; 677, 3, 1. by a temperate festival, at which toasts were drunk to the Freedom of the Press, to Paoli and
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