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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 24 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 18 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 2 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 2 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8. You can also browse the collection for Richard Penn or search for Richard Penn in all documents.

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efore the disbanding of their army, or the renewal of commercial intercourse. On the same day thanks were addressed to the Chap. XLI.} 1777. July 6. lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of London, for their unsolicited sympathy. North America, it was further said, wishes most ardently for a lasting connection with Great Britain on terms of just and equal liberty; less than which generous minds will not offer, nor brave and free ones receive. The desire for harmony was so intense, that Richard Penn, a proprietary of Pennsylvania and recently its governor, a most loyal Englishman, bound by the strongest motives of affection and interest to avert American independence, was selected to bear the second petition to the throne. He assumed the trust with alacrity, and on the twelfth of July embarked on his mission. The hope of success grew out of the readiness of the Americans, on the condition of exemption from parliamentary taxation, to bear the restraints on their trade; or, as an alt
was to deny to parliament all right of legislation for the colonies, even for the regulation of trade. To this America made answer that, in reason and truth, representation and legislation are inseparable; that the colonies, being entitled to English freedom, were not bound by any act of a body to which they did not send members; that in theory the colonies were independent of the British parliament; but as they honestly desired to avoid a conflict, they proposed as a fundamental or an organic act their voluntary submission to every parliamentary diminution of their liberty which time had sanctioned, including the navigation acts and taxes for regulating Chap. Xlviii} 1775. Aug. trade, on condition of being relieved from every part of the new system of administration and being secured against future attempts for its introduction. Richard Penn, the agent of congress, was in London with its petition to the king, to entreat his concurrence in this endeavor to restore peace and union.
The king and the second petition of congress. August, September, in Europe. November in America—1775. The zeal of Richard Penn appeared from his Chap. XLIX.} 1775. Aug. celerity. Four days after the petition to the king had been adopted by con parliament. The progress of these discussions was closely watched by the agents of France. Its ambassador, just after Penn's arrival, wrote of the king and his ministers to Vergennes: These people appear to me in a delirium; that there can be noonents. It was known that, two days before the king issued his proclamation, his secretary of state had received from Richard Penn a copy of the second petition of congress; and that Penn and Arthur Lee, who had pressed earnestly to obtain an answerPenn and Arthur Lee, who had pressed earnestly to obtain an answer, had been told that as his majesty did not receive it on the throne, no answer would be given. The proclamation included Dickinson among the dangerous and designing men, rebels and traitors, whom the civil and military officers were ordered to brin
icy was forcing independence upon the colonies. On the first of November the Duke of Manchester said to the lords: The violence of the times has wrested America from the British crown, and spurned the jewel because the setting appeared uncouth; but the debate Chap. LI.} 1775. Nov. which he opened had no effect except that Grafton took part with him, and as a consequence resigned his place as keeper of the privy seal. Every effort of the opposition was futile. On the tenth of November Richard Penn was called to the bar of the house of lords, where he bore witness in great detail to the sincerity of the American congress in their wish for conciliation, and to the unanimity of support which they received from the people. Under the most favorable auspices the duke of Richmond proposed to accept the petition from that congress to the king as a ground for conciliation; he was ably supported by Shelburne; but his motion, like every similar motion in either house, was negatived by a majo
pport of the royal government. On the fifth of December they resolved themselves into a committee of the whole, to consider the draft of a separate address to the king; but as that mode of action tended to divide and insulate he provinces, Dickinson, Jay, and Wythe were sent by Chap. LV.} 1775. Dec. the general congress to Burlington, to dissuade from the measure. Admitted to the assembly, Dickinson, who still refused to believe that no heed would be taken of the petition delivered by Richard Penn, excused the silence of the king, and bade them wait to find an answer in the conduct of parliament and the administration. After Americans were put to death without cause at Lexington, said he, had the new continental congress drawn the sword and thrown away the scabbard, all lovers of liberty would have applauded. To convince Britain that we will fight, an army has been formed, and Canada invaded. Success attends us everywhere; the savages who were to have been let loose to murder ou
ction for England remained paramount. till the king's proclamation declared them rebels then the new conviction demanded utterance; and as the debates in congress were secret, it had no outlet but the press. The writer who embodied in words the vague longing of the country, mixed up with some crude notions of his own, was Thomas Paine, a literary adventurer, at that time a little under forty years of age; the son of a Quaker of Norfolk in England, brought up in the faith of George Fox and Penn, the only school in England where he could have learned the principles which he was now to defend, and which it seemed a part of his nature to assert. He had been in America not much more than a year, but in that time he had cultivated the society of Franklin, Rittenhouse, Clymer, and Samuel Adams; his essay, when finished, was shown to Franklin, to Rittenhouse, to Samuel Adams, and to Rush; and Rush gave it the title of common sense. The design and end of government, it was reasoned,