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M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, for Quintius, Sextus Roscius, Quintus Roscius, against Quintus Caecilius, and against Verres (ed. C. D. Yonge) 202 0 Browse Search
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Herodotus, The Histories (ed. A. D. Godley) 26 0 Browse Search
T. Maccius Plautus, Menaechmi, or The Twin Brothers (ed. Henry Thomas Riley) 16 0 Browse Search
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Andocides, On the Peace, section 30 (search)
Again, an urgent request came to us from Syracuse; she was ready to end our differences by a pact of friendship, to end war by peace; and she pointed out the advantages of an alliance with herself, if only we would consent to it, over those of the 9-20). It was renewed in 424 by Laches. In 416 Segesta found herself ranged against the combined forces of Selinus and Syracuse. She appealed to Athens for help, and the disastrous Syracusan expedition resulted. But once more we chose war instead of peace, Segesta instead of Syracuse; instead of staying at home as the allies of Syracuse, we chose to send an armament to Sicily. The result was the loss of a large part of the Athenian and allied forces, the bravest being the first to fall; a Syracuse, we chose to send an armament to Sicily. The result was the loss of a large part of the Athenian and allied forces, the bravest being the first to fall; a reckless waste of ships, money, and resources: and the return of the survivors in disgrace
Andocides, Against Alcibiades, section 6 (search)
ive to enable us either to accept or to reject this statement with confidence. It is known that the institution existed for a time at least at Argos (Aristot. Pol. 8.3, 1302b 18), at Miletus (Schol. Aristoph. Kn. 855), at Megara (ibid.), and at Syracuse (Dio. Sic. 11.87.6). It was introduced at Syracuse in 454 B.C. under the name of petalismo/s, definitely in imitation of Athens. Yet it is recognized that the best institutions are those which have proved most suited to democracy and oligarchy is statement with confidence. It is known that the institution existed for a time at least at Argos (Aristot. Pol. 8.3, 1302b 18), at Miletus (Schol. Aristoph. Kn. 855), at Megara (ibid.), and at Syracuse (Dio. Sic. 11.87.6). It was introduced at Syracuse in 454 B.C. under the name of petalismo/s, definitely in imitation of Athens. Yet it is recognized that the best institutions are those which have proved most suited to democracy and oligarchy alike and which a
Aristotle, Economics, Book 2, section 1349a (search)
offered to any citizen who was willing to pay a fixed sum the right of having his name inscribed on a certain pillar of their templeThis temple, dedicated to Artemis, was restored with great magnificence after its destruction by fire in 356 B.C. For its fame see Acts 19. Portions of the sculptured pillars are to be seen in the British Museum. as the donor thereof. Dionysius of Syracuse, being desirous of collecting funds, called a public assembly, and declared that Demeter had appeared to him, and bade him convey all the women's ornaments into her temple. That he himself had done so with the ornaments of his own household; and the others must now follow his example, and thereby avoid any visitation of the goddess's anger. Anyone who failed to comply would, he declared, be g
Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, Book 7, section 1239a (search)
nt, as one can be loved without knowing it, but one cannot love without knowing it. Loving depends, more than being loved, on the actual feeling, whereas being loved corresponds with the nature of the object. A sign of this is that a friend, if both things were not possible, would choose to know the other person rather than to be known by him, as for example women do when they allow others to adopt their children, and Andromache in the tragedy of Antiphon.This poet lived at Syracuse at the court of Dionysus the elder (who came into power 406 B.C.). He is said to have written tragedies in collaboration with the tyrant; and he was sentenced by him to death by flogging (Aristot. Rhet. 1384a 9). Indeed the wish to be known seems to be selfish, and its motive a desire to receive and not to confer some benefit, whereas to wish to know a person is for the sake of conferring benefit and bestowing affection.
Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, Book 7, section 1243b (search)
. The king associated with the harpist as pleasant and the harpist with the king as useful; but the king, when the time came for him to pay, made out that he was himself of the pleasant sort, and said that just as the harpist had given him pleasure by his singing, so he had given the harpist pleasure by his promises to him.The story (also told in Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1164a 16) is related by Plut. De Alexandri fortuna 2.1, of the tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse. Nevertheless here too it is clear how we must decide: here too we must measure by one standard, but by a ratio, not a number. For we must measure by proportion, as also the civic partnership is measured. For how is a shoemaker to be partner with a farmer unless their products are equalized by proportion? Therefore the measure for partnerships not directly reciprocal is proportion—for example if one party complains that he has given wisdom and the other s
Aristotle, Poetics, section 1447b (search)
either in one kind of metre or combining several, happens up to the present day to have no name. For we can find no common term to apply to the mimes of Sophron and XenarchusSophron and Xenarchus, said to he father and son, lived in Syracuse, the elder a contemporary of Euripides. They wrote "mimes," i.e., simple and usually farcical sketches of familiar incidents, similar to the mimes of Herondas and the fifteenth Idyll of Theocritus, but in prose. There was a tradition that their mimes suggested to Plato the use of dialogue. and to the Socratic dialogues: nor again supposing a poet were to make his representation in iambics or elegiacs or any other such metre—except that people attach the word poet(maker)to the name of the metre and speak of elegiac poets and of others as epic poets. Thus they do not call them poets in virtue of their representation but apply the name indiscriminately in virtue of the metre. For if people publi<
Aristotle, Politics, Book 1, section 1255b (search)
ent of a household is monarchy (since every house is governed by a single ruler),whereas statesmanship is the government of men free and equal. The term ‘master’ therefore denotes the possession not of a certain branch of knowledge but of a certain character, and similarly also the terms ‘slave’ and ‘freeman.’ Yet there might be a science of mastership and a slave's science—the latter being the sort of knowledge that used to be imparted by the professor at Syracuse (for there used to be a man there who for a fee gave lessons to servants in their ordinary duties); and indeed there might be more advanced scientific study of such matters, for instance a science of cookery and the other such kinds of domestic service—for different servants have different functions, some more honorable and some more menial, and as the proverb says, Slave before slave and master before master.Probably from a comedy of Aristot
Aristotle, Politics, Book 1, section 1259a (search)
nters he was the only seller, though he did not greatly raise the price, but all the same he made a profit of a hundred talentsThe talent was about 240 pounds. on his capital of fifty. When DionysiusDionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse 405-367 B.C. came to know of it he ordered the man to take his money with him but clear out of Syracuse on the spot,cf. Thucydides oi( d' ou)ke/ti e)/meinan a)lla\ . . . since he was inventing means of profit detrimeSyracuse on the spot,cf. Thucydides oi( d' ou)ke/ti e)/meinan a)lla\ . . . since he was inventing means of profit detrimental to the tyrant's own affairs. Yet really this device is the same as the discovery of Thales, for both men alike contrived to secure themselves a monopoly. An acquaintance with these devices is also serviceable for statesmen, for many states need financial aid and modes of revenue like those described, just as a household may, but in greater degree; hence some statesmen even devote their political activity exclusively to finance. And since, as we saw,2 init. the
Aristotle, Politics, Book 3, section 1286b (search)
e who may be unwilling to obey, or if not, how is it possible for him to administer his office? For even if he were a law-abiding sovereign and never acted according to his own will against the law, nevertheless it would be essential for him to have power behind him whereby to safeguard the laws. Probably therefore it is not difficult to define the regulations for a king of this sort: he must have a force of his own, but the force must be only so large as to be stronger than a single individual or even several individuals banded together, but weaker than the multitude, on the principle on which the men of old times used to assign bodyguards whenever they appointed somebody as what they termed aesymnetes or tyrant‘Or tyrant’ looks like an incorrect note, see 1285b 25. of the state, and also, when DionysiusSee 1259a 39 n. asked for his guards, somebody advised him to give the same number of guards to the citizens of Syracuse
Aristotle, Politics, Book 5, section 1302b (search)
when those who have no share in the government are more numerous (for they think themselves the stronger party), and in democracies when the rich have begun to feel contempt for the disorder and anarchy that prevails, as for example at Thebes the democracy was destroyed owing to bad government after the battle of Oenophyta,Against Athens, 456 B.C. and that of the Megarians was destroyed when they had been defeated owing to disorder and anarchy,See 1300a 18 n. and at Syracuse before the tyranny485 B.C. of Gelo, and at RhodesSee 1302b 23 n. the common people had fallen into contempt before the rising against them. Revolutions in the constitutions also take place on account of disproportionate growth; for just as the bodyIt is not clear whether what follows refers to a work of art (cf. 1284b 8) or is an exaggerated account of a disease; Galen describes one called saturi/asis, in which the bones of the temple swell out like satyrs'