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Euripides, Andromache (ed. David Kovacs) | 80 | 0 | Browse | Search |
P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses (ed. Arthur Golding) | 80 | 0 | Browse | Search |
Homer, Odyssey | 62 | 0 | Browse | Search |
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2 | 58 | 0 | Browse | Search |
Euripides, Helen (ed. E. P. Coleridge) | 50 | 0 | Browse | Search |
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Euripides, Hecuba (ed. E. P. Coleridge) | 44 | 0 | Browse | Search |
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Browsing named entities in John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for Troy (Turkey) or search for Troy (Turkey) in all documents.
Your search returned 128 results in 117 document sections:
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 387 (search)
Od. 3. 27, ou) ga\r o)i/+w *ou)/ se qew=n
a)e/khti gene/sqai te trafe/men te. In quisquis
es Venus seems to speak as a Tyrian
maiden, to whom the history of Troy is
unknown. Auras vitalis is common in
Lucr., 3. 405, 575., 5. 857., 6. 1227.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 470 (search)
Primo somno is proved by a
number of instances (2. 268., 5. 857) to
mean in their first and deepest sleep; not,
as Wagn. thinks, the first time they slept
at Troy. Prodita, betrayed to him,
and so surprised. Possibly Henry may
be right in making somno instrumental,
betrayed by sleep.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 473 (search)
Gustassent—bibissent. The subj.
denotes the intention of Diomede. Homer
and the Pseudo-Euripides know nothing
of this intention, which Eustathius on
Il. 10. 435, and the Scholiast, followed
by Serv. on this passage, say was to prevent
the accomplishment of an oracle that
if the horses of Rhesus tasted the grass or
water of Troy, Troy should not be taken.
Gustassent—bibissent. The subj.
denotes the intention of Diomede. Homer
and the Pseudo-Euripides know nothing
of this intention, which Eustathius on
Il. 10. 435, and the Scholiast, followed
by Serv. on this passage, say was to prevent
the accomplishment of an oracle that
if the horses of Rhesus tasted the grass or
water of Troy, Troy should not be tak
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 474 (search)
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 566 (search)
Comp. Catull. 66 (68). 90, Troia
virum et virtutum omnium acerba cinis.
This reference however does not prove, as
Wagn. thinks, that virtutesque virosque
is to be taken as a hendiadys. The natural
sense is the gallant deeds and the
heroes. Tanti incendia belli: comp.
Cic. pro Marcell. 9, belli civilis incendium
salute patriae restinguere. The
same metaphor occurs de Rep. 1. 1 and
elsewhere in Cic. Tanta, the reading before
Heins., has no first-class authority.
In the parallel 7. 222 foll. the siege and
fall of Troy are also expressed by a metaphor,
but it is from a tempest and a
deluge.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 568 (search)
Both this and the preceding line
are intended to rebut the supposition of
ignorance respecting the history of Troy,
not of want of feeling; so that the references
of the older commentators to the
recoil of the sun from the banquet of
Thyestes are quite out of place. The
notion seems to be we do not lie so far
out of the pale of the civilized world—out
of the circuit of the sun, and so out of the
course of fame. Comp. 6. 796, iacet
extra sidera tellus Extra anni Solisque
vias. It would add great force to the
passage if we could suppose Virg. to have
conceived of the sun as the actual bearer
of news to the nations of the earth, as in
the well-known passage in the dying
speech of Ajax, Soph. Aj. 845—849, and
in Od. 8. 270, 302, Aesch. Ag. 632—676.
But it is to be observed that in these passages
the sun is the only possible witness;
and though such a thought may possibly
have crossed the mind of Statius when
imitating this passage in Theb. 1. 683
(Scimus, ait; nec sic aversum Fama Mycenis<
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 597 (search)
Sola is to be understood loosely,
alone of those not allied to Troy, and so
excluding Helenus and Acestes.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 723-756 (search)
The feast proceeds. Dido
makes a libation to Jupiter, Bacchus, and
Juno, and prays that the Carthaginians
and Trojans may be united. The time
passes in song and talk, till Dido begs
Aeneas to tell the whole story of the fall
of Troy and his seven years of wandering.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 754 (search)
Tuorum and tuos are distinguished,
as in the one case Dido is
thinking of those who perished at Troy,
in the other of Aeneas who escaped. In
answering the question 2. 10 Aeneas
classes himself with his friends, casus
nostros.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 1, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 755 (search)
Portat errantem should be
taken closely together. Septuma post
Troiae excidium iam vertitur aestas, Cum
freta, cum terras omnis . . ferimur 5.
626. The form of Dido's words shows
that she knew the time of the fall of Troy
not from Aeneas, but from Teucer (v. 623),
or from common fame. The general meaning
is, You have the experiences of seven
years to tell: it will be better that we
should hear them continuously, the story
being as long as it is.