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armed with a 12-pound howitzer. Seeing nothing of importance, we turned round, and, at the request of our pilot, sent the launch on shore with our gig in tow, fully armed and equipped for any emergency, although our errand was a peaceful one, as the owner of the house was an intimate friend of the pilot's, and reported a Union man. Owing to the shoaling of the water, a howitzer's crew and four men were left in the launch, and the balance, with Dr. Heber Smith, our assistant-surgeon, Pilot Phillips, and Master's Mate Brown in command, went on shore in the gig, and were very cordially received by all hands and introduced to the ladies present. Immediately after, we saw from the ship our men running rapidly down the beach, and wading towards the launch, and then several volleys of musketry were fired from armed and uniformed men who were seen stealing along the beach. We immediately opened on the thickets whence the fire came, from the ship's batteries, and must have done execution
istrict, and then not without compensation to the owners. Has any law been passed interfering with slavery in the States? Not at all. Such a doctrine is not even in the Chicago platform. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Seward, Mr. Caleb B. Smith, Attorney-General Bates, Senator Wilson, and all the chief men of the Republican party repudiate it — none maintain it but professed and extreme Abolitionists, such as Gerritt Smith, Henry Ward Beecher, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Arthur Tappan, Charles Sumner, and Wendell Phillips, whose fanatical and wicked efforts, backed by all the aid they can enlist from the rank and file of pure Abolitionism, can never any more disturb or harm the institution of slavery in the States than the zephyr's breath can unseat the everlasting hills, and whose impotent assaults upon the constitutional rights of the South, and on the Constitution and the Union, not sympathized in by the great mass of the Northern people — on the contrary, expressly disavowed by near two millions of c
of slavery. Others have uttered sentiments quite as atrocious in relation to the subject. This feeling is exhibiting itself, too, with renewed energy among the old abolition agitators, who but a few years since clamored loudly for disunion, pronouncing the Federal Constitution a league with hell and a covenant with death. Gerrit Smith, the patriarch of them all, says that both abolitionists and anti-abolitionists should petition the executive to proclaim the liberty of the slaves. Wendell Phillips is anxious to proclaim Mr. Lincoln the liberator of four millions of bondsmen, and Boutwell, once governor of the State of Massachusetts, thinks that the present war will not terminate until the Lincoln Government asserts in some way the doctrine that liberty is not the property of any race; that it is not the exclusive right of any class, but that it is the God given right of all the sons of men --including of course the African race. This same incendiary concludes his tirade with the