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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 83 1 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 81 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 80 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 45 1 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 29 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 22 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 21 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: May 7, 1862., [Electronic resource] 20 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 14, 1861., [Electronic resource] 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 15 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Franklin Pierce or search for Franklin Pierce in all documents.

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Territory, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; provided always, that any person escaping into the same from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor, or service, as aforesaid. On passing the above Ordinance, the Yeas and Nays being required by Mr. Yates, they were taken, with the following result: Massachusetts Mr. Holton ay, Ay.   Mr. Dane ay, New York Mr. Smith ay, Ay.   Mr. Haring ay,   Mr. Yates no, New Jersey Mr. Clarke ay, Ay.   Mr. Sherman ay, Delaware Mr. Kearney ay, Ay.   Mr. Mitchell ay, Virginia Mr. Grayson ay, Ay.   Mr. R. H. Lee ay,   Mr. Carrington ay, North Carolina Mr. Blount ay, Ay.   Mr. Hawkins ay, South Carolina Mr. Kean ay, Ay.   Mr. Huger ay, Georgia Mr. Few ay, Ay.   Mr. Pierce ay, Journal of Congress, vol. IV
m the North. And the third clause, being now divided, the question was taken on the remaining part--because it would be a violation of the public faith, unwise, impolitic, and dangerous to the Union --and that was also affirmed — Yeas 129; Nays 74: the Nays being all from the North, and nearly all Whigs. The remainder of the proposition was then affirmed — Yeas 169; Nays 6. The Committee appointed under the above resolution consisted of Messrs. Pinckney of South Carolina; Hamer of Ohio; Pierce of New Hampshire; Hardin of Kentucky; Jarvis of Maine; Owens of Georgia; Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania; Dromgoole of Virginia; and Turrill of New York — all Democrats, but Hardin, a Southern Whig. This Committee, in due season, reported, First, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere, in any way, with the institution of Slavery in any State of this confederacy. Secondly, That Congress ought not to interfere in any way with Slavery in the District of Columbia. And, fo<
al party Platforms of 1852 Gen. Scott election of Pierce and King. but, whatever theoretic or practical orns having been adjudged a fugitive at Boston, President Pierce ordered the U. S. cutter Morris to take him fr to 60 on the thirty-third, and to 53 on this. Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, was first named on this ballglas 32, with 8 scattering. On the forty-eighth, Gen. Pierce received 55, and on the next 232 votes-being all nnessee--four in all, choosing 42 Electors; while Gen. Pierce had carried twenty-seven States, choosing 254 EleBut quite a number of States had been carried for Gen. Pierce by very close votes; so that the popular prepondeeople, but where there was no serious opposition to Pierce and King) the popular vote summed up as follows: For Pierce, 1,601,274; for Scott, 1,386,580; for Hale, 155,825; Pierce over Scott, 214,694; over Scott and Hale Pierce over Scott, 214,694; over Scott and Hale together, 58,896. And, whatever else the Election might have meant, there was no doubt that the popular verdi
he Nebraska-Kansas struggle. 1854-61 Pierce Atchison A. C. Dodge Douglas Archibald Dixentucky, was chosen Speaker of the House. President Pierce, as he in his Inaugural had been most empnight, back to their dens in Missouri. President Pierce appointed Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvaned at the South. The Union (Washington), President Pierce's immediate organ, promptly rebuked thesetion to the fact that the enemies of President Pierce in the South lay particular stress upon his ap — that no man has ever been appointed by President Pierce to office who was not at the time understv. Reeder's soundness were so strong that President Pierce was slower than many others to believe hi of regulars, dispersing them by order of President Pierce. The village of Osawatomie, in the souCass, 5. Buchanan gained pretty steadily, and Pierce lost; so that, on the ninth ballot, the vote stood: Buchanan, 147; Pierce, 87; Douglas, 56; Cass, 7. On the sixteenth, Mr. Buchanan had 168; Mr. [4 more...]
t was understood that Gen. John A. Quit-man, of Mississippi, one of the ablest and strongest of Mr. Calhoun's disciples, had consented to lead the next expedition against Cuba; but none ever sailed. The Order of the Lone Star proved useful to Gen. Pierce in swelling his vote for President in 1852, and soon after subsided into nothingness. As our Government had long expressed satisfaction with the possession of Cuba by Spain, while proclaiming hostility to its transfer to any other power, Grwhich the President can constitutionally, or to any useful purpose, give, of a practical concurrence with France and England in the wish not to disturb the possession of that island by Spain. Soon after the passage of the Nebraska bill, President Pierce, through a dispatch from Gov. Marcy as Secretary of State, Dated Washington, August 16, 1854. directed Messrs. James Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule, our Embassadors at London, Paris, and Madrid respectively, to convene in some
ent, having first adopted, by a vote of 141 to 112, the rule requiring two-thirds of a full Convention to nominate. Candidates were put in nomination, and, on the first ballot, Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, received 145 1/2 votes; Robert M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, 42 votes; James Guthrie, of Kentucky, 35 votes; Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, 12; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, 7; Joseph Lane, of Oregon, 6; Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, 2 1/2; Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, 1 1/2; Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, 1. On the next ballot, Mr. Douglas had 147; and lie continued to gain slowly to the thirty-second, when he received 152 1/2 votes. He fell off on the thirty-sixth to 151 1/2, which vote he continued to receive up to the fifty-seventh ballot, on which Guthrie received 65 1/2, Hunter 16, Lane 14, Dickinson 4, and Jefferson Davis 1. The Convention (May 3d), on motion of Mr. Russell, of Virginia, by a vote of 195 to 55, adjourned, to reassemble at Baltimore on Monday,
n. Jackson had immensely the advantage of J. Q. Adams, so far as the South was concerned, when they were rival candidates for the Presidency; as Gen. Harrison had some advantage of Mr. Van Buren; Mr. Polk of Mr. Clay; Gen. Taylor of Gen. Cass; Gen. Pierce of Gen. Scott; and, lastly, Major Breckinridge of John Bell. In Kentucky, in the State canvass of 1859, Mr. Joshua F. Bell, American candidate for Governor, had tried hard to cut under his Democratic antagonist, Beriah Magoffin, but had failethis bold step; Gen. Sam Houston took the field in opposition to it as an independent Union candidate for Governor; and, though there was no political organization in the State but that which he confronted, while Texas had gone overwhelmingly for Pierce against Scott, and for Buchanan against Fillmore, Gen. Houston carried it with all ease, beating Runnells by 8,670 majority, Houston, 36,170; Runnells, 27,500. in by far the largest vote ever yet polled in the State. Andrew J. Hamilton, runni
er of those who voted at all would have voted to ratify it. But, on the other hand, these facts deserve consideration: I. The Democratic and Conservative politicans who united on the Crittenden Compromise, and clamored for its adoption, had had control of Congress and the Federal Executive through seven-eighths of our past national history. If this were the true panacea for our troubles respecting Slavery, why had they not applied it long ago? Why not adopt it under Polk or Fillmore, Pierce or Buchanan, without waiting to the last sands of their departing power? Why not unite upon it as their platform in the Presidential contest of 1860? Why call upon the Republicans to help them do, after forty years of controversy, what they might themselves have done, without help, almost any time during those forty years? Why repudiate, against the most urgent remonstrances, in 1854, a compromise which, so far as it went, was substantially identical with this, and now ask those whom they
orities, in the reelection as President of Mr. Jefferson, in the first election of Mr. Madison, and in the election of Gen. Pierce. Assuming this as a basis, Mr. Davis had no difficulty in convincing those whom he more immediately addressed, that, ing Winter, if they touched on public affairs at all, were more exceptionable and misleading than was this one. Ex-President Pierce wrote, almost a year previously, and in prospect of the Presidential nomination for 1860, as follows: Claren obligations, will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave the country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home would be of lil look with deep interest, and not without hope, for a decided change in this relation. Ever and truly your friend, Franklin Pierce. Hon. Jeff. Davis, Washington, D. C. Such are specimens of the Northern letters wherewith Southern states-men we
nstitution — there be appointed a Committee of one member from each State, who shall report to this House, at its next session, such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall assuage all grievances, and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity; and that, for the preparation of such .adjustment, and the conference requisite for that purpose, there be appointed a commission of seven citizens of the United States, consisting of Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and James Guthrie, of Kentucky, who shall request from the so-called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville, on the first Monday of September next. And that) the Committee appointed from this House notify said Commissioners of their appointment and function, and r
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