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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
heat. Sumner spoke briefly in moving a committee to report an address and resolutions, of which he was made chairman. The address was not his own composition; Palfrey was its reputed author. The Free Soilers of Massachusetts proved to be men of extraordinary vitality; and it is interesting to observe how many of them came to the front before or during the Civil War,—Sumner, Adams, Wilson, Burlingame, Dana, E. R. Hoar, and Andrew. Among the younger Free Soilers were George F. Hoar, Henry L. Pierce, John A. Kasson, and Marcus Morton, Jr, the last of whom became chief-justice of the Supreme Court of the State. The Free Soilers of Massachusetts have held two reunions,—one, Aug. 9, 1877, at Downer Landing, Hingham, with C. F. Adams presiding; and another, June 28, 1888, at the Parker House in Boston. with E. L. Pierce in the chair. The proceedings in each case were printed in pamphlet form. His name was put at the head of a State committee which was charged with the management of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
accomplished a secession from their ranks which proved fatal. The causes of the defeat are fully explained in a letter to the National Era. December 15, signed *, written by Henry Wilson (the editor striking out Wilson's criticisms on Adams and Palfrey); by a full account in the New York Evening Post in a letter, November 15, by R. Carter, and a leader, November 16; in the Boston Commonwealth, November 22; in the Norfolk Democrat (Dedham), Nov. 25, 1853, where one of the writers was Henry L. Pierce. The new Constitution failed by five thousand votes, The vote was 62,183 for and 67,105 against it. though receiving a majority outside of Boston; and the Whigs, who carried the Legislature at the last election, were now far stronger in it than before. The Free Soilers held their own in the popular vote, giving Wilson as their candidate for governor nearly thirty thousand votes. Washburn (Whig) had 60,472 votes; Bishop (Democrat), 35,254; Wilson (Free Soiler), 29,545; and Wales (
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
. any State action for the rendition of fugitive slaves. The debate ended at midnight, and the Senate then adjourned after a continuous session of thirteen hours. The writer was present in the gallery during the debate. Wilson beckoned to him from his seat shortly before speaking, and they conferred in the lobby as to the effect of his proposed speech on his Know Nothing connections, which at the time he was loath to disturb. Two friends of the Massachusetts senators, F. W. Bird and H. L. Pierce, entered the Senate gallery while Wilson was speaking. They and the writer after the adjournment walked down the steps of the Capitol in company with Seward, who was enjoying a cigar after the long confinement; and the three congratulated him heartily for his decisive expressions against the Know Nothing order. Mr. Bird's description of the debate is printed in the Boston Telegraph, Feb. 28, 1855. Other descriptions were by William S. Thayer in the New York Evening Post, and E. L. Pier
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ver, Prof. Benjamin Silliman. J. Miller McKim, Frederick Douglass, John G. Whittier, Josiah Quincy (the elder), Rev. R. S. Storrs (the elder), Rev. John Pierpont, Rev. Henry M. Dexter, Prof. William S. Tyler, John A. Andrew, Francis W. Bird, Henry L. Pierce, Amasa Walker, Lydia Maria Child, Henry I. Bowditch, Neal Dow, and Chief-Justice John Appleton. The Legislature of Massachusetts, then in session, formally approved the speech in a resolution, in promoting the passage of which two members of the House—J. Q. A. Griffin and H. L. Pierce—took the lead. As in the Senate, so also among Republican politicians, there was anxiety as to the effect of the speech on voters who without antislavery convictions were likely to act with the Republicans in the election at hand. Some journals professed to fear that it would hinder the admission of Kansas as a free State, New York Times, June 6; New York Tribune, June 5; New York Evening Post, June 5. This last journal qualified its critici