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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Stanton, Edwin McMasters 1814- (search)
and labelling him the young Napoleon, gave him supreme command. Popular acclamation made this youth, who had all the confidence of genius without its capacity or inspiration, President, in fact. Abraham Lincoln, ignorant of all that pertained to the art of war, magnified its importance and difficulties, as one under such circumstances will, and with the modesty so marked in him deferred patiently to those he believed better informed. When Mr. Stanton told us that he would make Abraham Lincoln President, he did not mean that he would restore the Union, but that he would relegate the young Napoleon to his subordinate position, that of being commander. The indifference, not to say the arrogance, of our untried Napoleon is hard to realize now. With princes and the sons of millionaires upon his staff, he assumed the airs of a dictator, and it was no uncommon circumstance to see both President and Secretary of War waiting in his antechamber, for leisure from mighty reviews and petty
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Wilson, Henry 1812- (search)
d the land. Yet these faithful ones maintained with fidelity, against all odds, the sublime creed of human liberty. The struggle, commencing forty years ago against the assumption and dominations of the slave power, went on from one step to another —the slave power went right on to the conquest of the country—promises were broken, without regard to constitutions or laws of the human race. The work went on till the people in their majesty, in 1860, went to the ballot-box and made Abraham Lincoln President of the United States. Then came a great trial; that trial was whether we should do battle for the principles of eternal right and maintain the cause of liberty, or surrender; whether we would be true to our principles or false. We stood firm—stood by the sacred cause—and then the slave power plunged the country into a godless rebellion. Then came another trial, testing the manhood, the courage, the sublime fidelity of the lovers of liberty in the country. We met that test as
ave a right of revolution. When the people of this country were oppressed by Great Britain, they exercised the right of revolution; but what did they do first? They saw that there were no other means of redress but by revolution. Then our friends at the South, whom some of us here have aided to redress their grievances, can they say that their grievances, such as they complain of, cannot be redressed without a revolution? ( No. ) Why, my friends, at this very election which made Abraham Lincoln President of the United States, the very people that put that party into power in the executive department of the country, put the majority and the representatives of the people in both branches of the Legislature in the hands of the opposition. ( That is so. ) They would have had, if they had stayed in the House of Representatives, now to come into existence, thirty majority, and they would have had a majority in the Senate. They would have had, as they have, the Supreme Court on their sid
n on the Secession question. his weak character and undecided policy. how over-censured by the North. Gen. Scott's intermeddling. his impracticable advice. President Buchanan's perfidy in the Moultrie Sumter affair. his interview with the South Carolina delegation. a second deception. the star of the West affair. the situation. At the close of Buchanan's administration. the country waiting for the signal of combat The telegraph had no sooner announced the election of Abraham Lincoln President of the United States than the State of South Carolina prepared for a deliberate withdrawal from the Union. Considering the argument as fully exhausted, she determined to resume the exercise of her rights as a sovereign State; and for this purpose her Legislature called a Convention. It assembled in Columbia on the 17th of December, 1860. Its sessions were held in a church, over which floated a flag bearing the device of a palmetto tree, with an open Bible at its trunk, with the
The Daily Dispatch: November 25, 1861., [Electronic resource], Letter from George N. Saunders to Louis Kossuth. (search)
as a far seeing statesman to at once dissipate the flimsy sophistry by which the Lincoln Government and press attempt to justify or excuse this usurpation and unnatural war. On the 6th of November, 1861, the United States was never so strong as a nation, never so prosperous, joyous and hopeful as a people. On that fatal day a majority of the American people, owing to divisions in the constitutional party of the nation, were enabled under the forms of the Constitution to elect Abraham Lincoln President. This minority and its chosen chief were pledged to use the power of the Federal Government to curtail the rights and privileges of the Southern States and people for the aggrandizement of the political power and wealth of the Northern States and people. This threatened overthrow of the Constitution and assumption of extraordinary powers of the Federal Government by Lincoln and his party in Congress and in the Northern States Legislatures very naturally excited alarm South Caroli
sjudging the temper and character of the American people, they sought to prevent all remonstrance against whatever means they chose to adopt to accomplish their purpose, by governing a free people by appeals to their fears. Mobs became their instruments of vengeance, and where these could not conveniently be invoked, executive tyranny laid its lawless hand upon the unoffending but suspected victim, and forts and bastilles opened, and closed their ponderous doors upon him.--Was not Abraham Lincoln President, and was not William H. Seward his prime minister, and who dared say aught against their infallibility ? The espionage of Napoleon sank into insignificance as an agency of oppression in comparison with that practiced under the administration of Abraham Lincoln. Men conversed in whispers; even woman dare not speak above her breath. A deadly tremor seized upon all classes, except those who, themselves being spies and informers, were conscious of reposing under the shadow of exe
y have been inaugurated for our cause — would have been pushed to consummation. Besides all this, he is a man of large military experience, and knows far better than Lincoln how to handle the immense forces placed at the command of a President of the United States. We are gratified, then, at the escape we think we have made. It might have been infinitely worse. We are, indeed, confident that it would have been. We now are pretty sure of what we have to expect. Not only is Abraham Lincoln President of the United States for the next four years after the 4th of March, 1865, but he goes in with a majority large enough to sustain him in any atrocity he may meditate. The majority of the North have pretty clearly declared themselves well pleased with the war and with the manner of conducting it. They endorse all the atrocities of Sherman, all the cruelties of Hunter, all the crimes of Sheridan, all the murders of Butler, all the butchery and barbarism of Grant. The conflagration