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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 14 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 10 0 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 8 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 6 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for William S. Robinson or search for William S. Robinson in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
ed by few about him. Mr. Adams, however, treated the revolution hopefully in the Boston Whig, April 3, 1848. In letters to his brother George, then in Europe, he quoted the adverse opinions which prevailed in Boston along merchants and in society. His friend William Kent was even in favor of the Austrian rule in Italy. Sumner in this as other things was above the spirit about him, and through life was steadfast in his sympathy for the cause of liberty and republicanism in Europe. W. S. Robinson noted Sumner's solicitude for the spread and permanency of republicanism in Europe. Warrington's Pen portraits, p. 522. Sumner testified his sympathy for the same cause in a speech before a club in Boston during the last autumn of his life. To George Sumner, April 4:— We have all been filled with mingled anxiety, astonishment, and hope by the great news from France,—the greatest event perhaps ever accomplished in a similar space of tine. The American sympathy is strongly in f
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
rks, vol. i. pp. 330-332. His letter to Winthrop, and a report of the meeting signed by its officers, had already been printed and distributed as a broadside. The better course for Sumner would have been to stand as the candidate. He was the natural leader of the bolt, and he had done the most to bring it about. His disclaimer of a desire for public office, though entirely sincere, was hardly in place; for he was by nature, and already in action, more a politician than he thought. W. S. Robinson took exception, in the Courier, in October, 1846, to Sumner's expression, I am no politician, in his open letter to Winthrop, and insisted that it was the duty of men like him to be politicians. Warrington's Pen Portraits, p. 30. He was at that time too careful in guarding his position or the cause itself from the charge of his own personal self-seeking; but he soon grew wiser in such matters. Dr. Howe was then substituted as the candidate, and a meeting was held in Tremont Temple, N
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
ere earnest and determined, and they were received in a corresponding spirit. No great movement ever showed at the beginning more character and power. It began true and strong. All the speakers united in renouncing old party ties. None did this better than C. F. Adams. Sumner's speech was a brief one. There was the manly form of Charles Sumner in the splendor and vigor and magnetic power of his youthful eloquence,—G. F. Hoar at Reunion of Free Soilers of 1848, held Aug. 9, 1877. W. S. Robinson described the scene in a letter to the Springfield republican. Warrington's Pen Portraits, pp. 184, 185 He dwelt upon the growth and potent influence of the slave-power, which he defined as that combination of persons, or perhaps of politicians, whose animating principle is the perpetuation and extension of slavery, with the advancement of slaveholders; and he contended that former issues, altogether material and economical, which had hitherto been party watchwords, had disappeared. H
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
disunionists; and it was conducted with acrimony and personal recrimination between the two Southern divisions. The Northern senators, whether supporting or opposing the Compromise, kept aloof from the discussion, except Davis Mr. Davis's term was near its end, and the Legislature, which was to choose his successor, would be elected before the next session of Congress. This is the probable reason for his entering into the debate. Sumner wrote from the Senate chamber, January 28, to W. S. Robinson: I have sent you a correct copy of my speech on the practical question of lands My colleague is now speaking on the agitating question of the Compromise. On this subject the time will come for me; but it is not now. of Massachusetts; and the resolution was laid aside without a vote late in February. From that time the slavery question was not involved in any measure pending in the Senate; and any senator attempting to treat it broadly and at length would have been stopped as out of or
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ieved by Sumner's abstinence from the campaign, and smarting under defeat when success was so near, some of them attributed to him the disaster. His course was the subject of comment in two or three journals, Lowell American, edited by William S. Robinson, and the Commonwealth. These criticisms were confined to the leaders, and did not extend to the masses. and was the occasion of hard words at the party headquarters. All this was freely communicated to him by Dr. Howe and others; and ind have loved it, and ready to make sacrifices for it,—his chagrin now sharpened by the consciousness that Palfrey's and Adams's demonstrations had been in part inspired by undeserved misconceptions of his purposes and methods. Warrington's (W. S. Robinson) Pen Portraits, p. 204. Wilson now sought the means of support by delivering lectures before lyceums, and by returning to the manufacture of boots at Natick, in which he had been unsuccessful before he became an editor. He employed forty wor
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
gth! But I shall pronounce the most thorough philippic ever uttered in a legislative body. The Missourians were reinforced in the spring of 1856 by recruits from the remote South, for which they had appealed,— notably by those from South Carolina and Alabama, led by Buford. the judiciary of the Territory, at the head of which was Lecompte, began its sessions. Early in May the grand jury, following its instructions, found indictments for treason against the Free State leaders,—Reeder, Robinson, and Lane,— who were obliged to seek safety in flight. An attempt was made to arrest Reeder, even in the presence of the investigating committee of Congress, which had arrived in April. The grand jury, in its fanaticism, was not content with processes against persons, but found bills against Free State newspapers and a Free State hotel. Ruffianism, breaking out in assaults and murders, was rampant throughout the Territory, and everywhere Free State men were in constant peril of life. Th<