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Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 5 3 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 4 4 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
l day of work, and I wish you may see when resting time comes. God bless that evening, and give hope of a glad morning. The speech, however, had in the end a wholesome influence on English opinion. It ended the indifference which had come from Earl Russell's levity. The English people for the first time recognized the gravity of the American case, and were anxious for a complete settlement. From that date the foreign office, through Sir Edward Thornton, minister at Washington, and Sir John Rose, an unofficial envoy, kept plying our government to learn our terms of settlement. Earl Russell and Lord Clarendon, by letters to Mr. Adams (Nov. 2 and Dec. 2, 1865), formally closed the discussion by refusing to entertain further the consideration of our claims. Lord Stanley modified this position (Nov. 30, 1866, March 9 and Nov. 10, 1867), only to the extent of expressing a willingness to consent to a limited reference. The purpose of the speech was to insure a permanent peace, and
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
tter to W. W. Story thus— Meanwhile Italy ascends in her career, and Rome is at last the capital. Is not the Church falling gradually, never to rise? Clearly it is a widespread anachronism. He wrote to Bemis, Jan. 18, 1871:— Sir John Rose is here with proposals, or rather to sound our government. The English pray for settlement as never before. Mr. Fish has asked my judgment. I have sent him a memorandum, in which I have said: A discrimination in favor of claims arising froself. It was incomprehensible to him that the secretary should have written it, in view of past relations. He talked with some intimate friends about it, who interpreted it as he did, but said nothing publicly, hoping for some explanation. Sir John Rose was in Washington at this time for the purpose of sounding the Administration as to what would be acceptable for the disposition of the Alabama claims, and it became important for the secretary to consult the senator. But for the studied ins
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 19 (search)
h the best opinions of our time. The single sentence of the memorandum already given alone invites criticism: but by those words, written not in a formal paper, and signed only with initials, he meant merely to say, as the event showed, that the cession of British America should be our first request in order to reach, as a final consummation, perpetual peace between the two nations. That this was his thought is shown by other expressions in the memorandum, as where, cordially accepting Sir John Rose's idea that all causes of irritation should be removed, he added: Nothing could be better than this initial idea; it should be the starting-point. That he laid no greater stress on this part of his memorandum appears clearly enough from a letter he wrote the day after to George Bemis, in which, mentioning the fact of his memorandum, he refers to the clause in it concerning the depredations of the different cruisers, but without any reference to the clause concerning Canada. But as demo
m for his friend; he refused at a dinner at General Schenck's house to speak to Mr. Fish, and afterward announced in the Senate that he had cut the Secretary of State. At that very time negotiations for the Treaty of Washington had begun. Sir John Rose had been sent out from England to prepare the way for the Joint High Commission that followed. Mr. Fish, a night or two before, in spite of all that had occurred, had visited Sumner and consulted him in regard to the Treaty, which of course Administration, for no statesman on either side of the Atlantic could conceive of its acceptance by England. Before Mr. . Fish could reply to the note, however, the dinner occurred at which Sumner declined the acquaintance of the Secretary. Sir John Rose was present at the dinner, which, as I have said, was given by General Schenck, then recently appointed Minister to England; so that in the midst of the negotiation on so grave a question, on which he was himself officially to act, Sumner ref
neutralize the outgivings in society, for word had been brought from several sources to the State Department that the tone of the Minister's conversations was at variance with his instructions. In the first months of Grant's Administration Sir John Rose, then the Canadian Premier, was in Washington acting as commissioner under a previous treaty to settle certain disputed points between the United States and Canada; and in this international character he often met the Secretary of State. Fisister all that occurred; but the preliminaries were purposely contrived so that the Governments should not be compromised if the matter fell through. Nothing would necessarily appear on the records of the Legation. But when all was arranged, and Rose's course had been approved by telegraph from London, Thornton went to the State Department officially. The four letters stipulating for a Joint High Commission, which were afterward published with the treaty, were drawn up and signed by him and F