seaboard, North, South, East, and West, alike feel proud of the hardihood, the enterprise, the skill, and the courage of the Yankee sailor, who has borne our flag far as the ocean bears its foam, and caused the name and character of the United States to be known and respected wherever there is wealth enough to woo commerce, and intelligence to honor merit?
So long as we preserve and appreciate the achievements of Jefferson and Adams, of Franklin and Madison, of Hamilton, of Hancock, and of Rutledge, men who labored for the whole country, and lived for mankind, we can not sink to the petty strife which would sap the foundations and destroy the political fabric our fathers erected and bequeathed as an inheritance to our posterity for ever.
Since the formation of the Constitution, a vast extension of territory and the varied relations arising therefrom have presented problems which could not have been foreseen.
It is just cause for admiration, even wonder, that the provisions of the
port of this same idea of community independence, which I have suggested, the argument upon the proposition least likely to have exhibited it, that to give power to restrain the slave-trade, shows the Northern and Southern men all arguing and presenting different views, yet concurred in this, that there could be no power to restrain a State from importing what she pleased.
As the Senator from Vermont [Mr. Collamer] looks somewhat surprised at my statement, I will refer to the authority.
Mr. Rutledge said:
Religion and humanity had nothing to do with this question.
Interest alone is the governing principle with nations.
The true question at present is, whether the Southern States shall or shall not be parties to the Union.
If the Northern States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers.
1bid., p. 457.
Mr. Pinckney: South Carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibit