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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 118 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 113 1 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 64 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 52 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 38 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 34 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 26 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 24 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 22 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 14 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Dred Scott or search for Dred Scott in all documents.

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Vii. The Missouri struggle. Scott Clay Pinkney P. P. Barbour Webster John W. Taylor Thomas — the Compromise. when the State of Louisiana, previously known as the Territory of Orlerials On the 16th of March, 1818. were referred by the House to a Select Committee, whereof Mr. Scott, their delegate, was chairman. This Committee reported April 3d. a bill in accordance withlave Territory, and ultimately a Slave State. A new Congress convened December 6, 1819; and Mr. Scott December 8th. moved a reference to a Select Committee of the memorials from Missouri, incluiled, and Mr. Speaker Clay appointed as such Committee three members from Slave States, beside Mr. Scott, who was chairman, with but one from a Free State. In the Senate, the legislative memorial afend of Mr. Clay, in a letter (1862) to Hon. James S. Rollins, M. C., from his State, says that Mr. Scott, the Delegate from Missouri at the time of her admission, told him that Mr. Clay, at the close
Senate to fill the seat vacated by Mr. Hayne's acceptance of the governorship. Leaving his State foaming and surging with preparations for war, Mr. Calhoun, in December, calmly proceeded to Washington, where he took his seat in the Senate, and swore afresh to maintain the Constitution, as if unconscious of the tempest he had excited, and which was now preparing to burst upon his head. General Jackson had already November 6th. made provision for the threatened emergency. Ordering General Scott to proceed to Charleston for the purpose of superintending the safety of the ports of the United States in that vicinity, and making the requisite disposition of the slender military and naval forces at his command, the President sent confidential orders to the Collector for the port of Charleston, whereof the following extract sufficiently indicates the character and purpose: Upon the supposition that the measures of the Convention, or the acts of the Legislature may consist, in par
by any other than the parties interested in them, is the true Republican doctrine recognized by this body. The party was not yet ready for such strong meat, and this resolve was rejected: Nays 216; Yeas 36--South Carolina 9; Alabama 9; Georgia 9; Arkansas 3; Florida 3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, June 7th. Gen. Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, had on the first ballot 111 votes for President to 97 for Henry Clay, 43 for General Scott, 22 for Mr. Webster, and 6 scattering. On the fourth ballot (next day), Gen. Taylor had 171 to 107 for all others, and was declared nominated. Millard Fillmore, of New York, had 115 votes for Vice-President, on the first ballot, to 109 for Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and 50 scattering. On the second ballot, Mr. Fillmore had 173, and was nominated. No resolves affirming distinctive principles were passed; repeated efforts to interpose one affirming the principle of the Wilmot P
Xviii. The Dred Scott case. Views of President Buchanan Chief Justice Taney Judge Waynniel Webster Judge McLean Judge Curtis. Dred Scott, a negro, was, previously to 1834, held as an and opinions of this Court, in the case of Dred Scott, had not been made public when Mr. Buchanan tories of the Union, commenced by denying to Dred Scott, or to any person whose ancestors were imporus determined, to his own satisfaction, that Dred Scott, being a negro and descended from slaves, ha, and it is therefore void; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family, were made frthe Federal tribunals. And, having thus put Dred Scott out of court, and finished the case, he procTennessee, concurs with Justice Nelson, that Dred Scott has no right to freedom, at the hands of thie sums up his conclusions as to the right of Dred Scott to bring this action, as follows: First.osing the Supreme Court, after deciding that Dred Scott had no standing in that Court, and that the [1 more...]
t before their actual admission as a State into the Union. 8. Resolved further, That the principles enunciated by Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, deny Territorial Legislature the power to destroy or impair, by any legislation whatever, the right of property in slaves, and maintain it to be the duty wer, has any authority, either directly or indirectly, to impair these sacred rights; and, they having been affirmed by the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, we declare that it is the duty of the Federal Government, the common agent of all the States, to establish such government, and enact such laws for the Tetance at Baltimore of Gov. Wickliffe's resolve making the dicta of the Supreme Court absolute and unquestionable with regard to Slavery in the Territories. The Dred Scott decision was aimed directly at Squatter Sovereignty: the case, after being once disposed of on an entirely different point, was restored to life expressly to co
immensely the advantage of J. Q. Adams, so far as the South was concerned, when they were rival candidates for the Presidency; as Gen. Harrison had some advantage of Mr. Van Buren; Mr. Polk of Mr. Clay; Gen. Taylor of Gen. Cass; Gen. Pierce of Gen. Scott; and, lastly, Major Breckinridge of John Bell. In Kentucky, in the State canvass of 1859, Mr. Joshua F. Bell, American candidate for Governor, had tried hard to cut under his Democratic antagonist, Beriah Magoffin, but had failed, and been sig Gen. Sam Houston took the field in opposition to it as an independent Union candidate for Governor; and, though there was no political organization in the State but that which he confronted, while Texas had gone overwhelmingly for Pierce against Scott, and for Buchanan against Fillmore, Gen. Houston carried it with all ease, beating Runnells by 8,670 majority, Houston, 36,170; Runnells, 27,500. in by far the largest vote ever yet polled in the State. Andrew J. Hamilton, running as a Unioni
kinridge, as President of the Senate, to declare Lincoln and Hamlin duly elected President and Vice-President of these United States. Some people do not like this, as is very natural. Dogberry discovered, a good while ago, that When two ride a horse, one must ride behind. That is not generally deemed the preferable seat; but the rule remains unaffected by that circumstance. We know how to sympathize with the defeated; for we remember how we felt, when Adams was defeated; and Clay, and Scott, and Fremont. It is decidedly pleasanter to be on the winning side, especially when — as now — it happens also to be the right side. We sympathize with the afflicted; but we cannot recommend them to do any thing desperate. What is the use? They are beaten now; they may triumph next time: in fact, they have generally had their own way: had they been subjected to the discipline of adversity so often as we have, they would probably bear it with more philosophy, and deport themselves more
made haste to secede, from fear that concessions would be offered — that their pretexts for disruption would somehow be obviated. To send concessions after them, in their scornful, imperious, insulting stampede, would be inviting them to heap new and more dishonoring indignities on the nation they were defying. It was, in fact, to justify their past treason, and incite them to perseverance and greater daring in the evil way they had chosen. IV. Our conservative Supreme Court, by its Dred Scott decision, had denied to Congress all power to exclude Slavery from a single acre of the common territories of the Union; it had held the Missouri Compromise invalid on this very ground; and now, the North was called to reenact and extend that very line of demarcation between Free and Slave territory which the Court had pronounced a nullity. True, Mr. Crittenden proposed that the new compromise should be ingrafted upon the Constitution; but that only increased the difficulty of effecting t
Federal District and the adjacent counties of Maryland and Virginia doubtless supplied by far the larger share of it. Menaces that the President elect would never be permitted to take the oath of office — that he would be assassinated in the act, if no other mode of preventing it should promise success — had been so freely and loudly made, In Richmond and other journals. that apprehensions of some concerted attempt at violence or tumult were widely entertained and fully justified. Lieut.-Gen. Scott had taken the fullest military precautions that his limited force of regulars — perhaps one thousand in all — would permit; and there was a considerable muster of uniformed Militia. The procession, partly civic, which escorted the retiring and incoming Presidents, who rode in the same carriage, to the Capitol, was quite respectable — unusually so for that non-enthusiastic, and, as yet, strongly pro-Slavery, metropolis. The Senate had been sitting through most of the preceding fo
or did not, for some days after his inauguration, incline to the withdrawal of Major Anderson and his brave handful from. closely beleaguered Sumter, is not certain. It is certain that great doubt and anxiety on this point pervaded the country. Some of the newspaper correspondents at Washington, who were very properly and keenly on the watch for the least indication of the Presidential purpose, telegraphed, quite confidently, on the 14th, that Sumter was to be peaceably evacuated; that Gen. Scott had given his opinion that this was a military necessity; that the fortress was so surrounded and enveloped by Confederate forts and batteries that it could not now be reinforced, nor even provisioned, save at an enormous and unjustifiable cost of human blood; so that there was no practical alternative to its abandonment. The new Senate, which had been convened for the 4th by President Buchanan to act upon the nominations of his successor, remained sitting in Extra Session until the 28t
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