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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 24 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 17, 1860., [Electronic resource] 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 6 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 6 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 6 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 15, 1861., [Electronic resource] 6 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 4 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 1, 1860., [Electronic resource] 4 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 4 0 Browse Search
An English Combatant, Lieutenant of Artillery of the Field Staff., Battlefields of the South from Bull Run to Fredericksburgh; with sketches of Confederate commanders, and gossip of the camps. 4 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for U. S. Senator or search for U. S. Senator in all documents.

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se ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness, was no novelty to those who hailed and responded to it. Three weeks before, the Virginia Convention had unanimously adopted a Declaration of Rights, reported on the 27th of May by George Mason, The grandfather of James M. Mason, late U. S. Senator from Virginia, since Confederate Emissary to England. George Mason was one of Virginia's most illustrious sons. which proclaims that All men are by nature equally free, and have inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. See also the Mecklenburg Declaratio
Senate, February 27, 1832. of Pennsylvania--a life-long Democrat and anti-Abolitionist, cautious, conservative, conciliatory — replying to one of Mr. Hayne's eloquent and highwrought portrayals of the miserable state to which the South and her industry had been reduced by the Protective policy, forcibly and truthfully said: What, Sir, is the cause of Southern distress? Has any gentleman yet ventured to designate it? I am neither willing nor competent to flatter. To praise the honorable Senator from South Carolina would be To add perfume to the violet — Wasteful and ridiculous excess. But, if he has failed to discover the source of the evils he deplores, who can unfold it? Amid the warm and indiscriminating denunciations with which he has assailed the policy of protecting domestic manufactures and native produce, he frankly avows that he would not deny that there are other causes, besides the Tariff, which have contributed to produce the evils which he has depicted.
on, and there institute the necessary proceedings, in order to bring the matter to judgment. Mr. Hoar accepted this new duty, and left home accordingly in November, 1844, for Charleston; reaching that city on the 28th of that month. So utterly unsuspecting was he of giving offense, or provoking violence, that his young daughter accompanied him. On the day of his arrival, Mr. Hoar addressed a letter to the Governor of South Carolina, Hon. James H. Hammond, since distinguished as a U. S. Senator. announcing the fact, and stating the purpose of his mission to be, the collecting and transmission of accurate information respecting the number and the names of citizens of Massachusetts, who have heretofore been, or may be, during the period of the engagement of the agent, imprisoned without the allegation of any crime. He further stated that he was authorized to bring and prosecute one or more suits in behalf of any citizen so imprisoned, for the purpose of having the legality of su
eproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those territories choose to establish Slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in their Constitutions; but then it will be their own work, and not ours; and their posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for forming Constitutions allowing the institution of Slavery to exist among them. These are my views, Sir; and I choose to express them; and I care not how extensively and universally they are known. The honorable Senator from Virginia (Mr. Mason) has expressed his opinion that Slavery exists in these territories; and I have no doubt that opinion is sincerely and honestly entertained by him; and I would say, with equal sincerity and honesty, that I believe that Slavery nowhere exists within any portion of the territory acquired by us from Mexico. He holds a directly contrary opinion to mine, as he has a perfect right to do; and we will not quarrel about that difference of opinion. Messrs. William R
of Congressional non-intervention, in accordance with the principles of the Compromise measures of 1850, and allow the people to do as they pleased upon this, as well as all other matters affecting their interests. The explanation of the honorable Senator from Kentucky shows that his meaning was not what many supposed it to be, who judged simply from the phraseology of the amendment. I deem this explanation due to the Senator and to myself. Messrs. Webster, Clay, and Calhoun had all pasre legal and 584 were illegal. John W. Whitfield, A Tennesseean; last heard from in the Confederate army. an Indian agent, the Missouri candidate, had 597 of them. He received 2,268 in all, to 570 for all others. David R. Atchison, then a U. S. Senator from Missouri, in a speech in Platte County, Mo., a few weeks before the election, said: When you reside within one day's journey of the Territory, and when your peace, your quiet, and your property, depend upon your action, you can, with
ction was won by ambiguity, double-dealing, deception — by devising a platform that meant one thing at the North, and another at the South. But, we are resolved to have no more of this. We shall now succeed on a clear exhibition of our principles, or not at all. And the champions of Popular Sovereignty, who controlled most of the delegations from Free States, were nearly as frank, and quite as firm. Said a leading supporter of Senator Douglas--Mr. George E. Pugh, of Ohio Recently, U. S. Senator from that State; elected over Gov. Chase in 1853-4; succeeded by him in turn in 1859-60; since, a candidate for Lieut. Governor, under Vallandigham, in 1863.--in the Charleston Convention: Thank God that a bold and honest man [Mr. Yancey] has at last spoken, and told the whole truth with regard to the demands of the South. It is now plainly before the Convention and the country that the South does demand an advanced step from the Democratic party. [Mr. Pugh here read the resolves of
was a distinct avowal of the right of the State to overrule his personal convictions, and plunge him into treason to the Nation. Years before, Henry Clay, when catechised by Jefferson Davis in the Senate, set forth the true American doctrine on this point, as follows: Mr. President, I have heard with pain and regret a confirmation of the remark I made, that the sentiment of Disunion has become familiar. I hope it is confined to South Carolina. I do not regard as my duty what the honorable Senator seems to regard as his. If Kentucky to-morrow unfurls the banner of resistance, I never will fight under that banner. I owe a paramount allegiance to the whole Union--a subordinate one to my own State. Mr. Clay, at another time, at a caucus of Southern members of Congress, was asked whether, in a certain contingency, Kentuckians would go for Disunion. He promptly replied: No, Sir: Kentuckians view Disunion as itself the greatest of evils, and as a remedy for nothing. The follow
Secessionists, two weeks previous, of the Federal arsenal at Napoleon, April 23d. containing 12,000 Springfield muskets and a large amount of munitions and stores; nor by that of Fort Smith, April 24th. also containing valuable deposits of arms, munitions, and Indian goods. These, and many kindred acts of violence and outrage on the side of disunion, had been committed without a shadow of disguise, and with no other excuse than the treason of the perpetrators — Solon Borland, late U. S. Senator, having led the party that captured Fort Smith. Coercion was abhorred and execrated only when exercised in defense of the Union. Missouri was found in a most anomalous condition on the breaking out of the great struggle, destined so severely to try her integrity, as well as that of the nation. Though her slaves were less than a tenth of her total population, and her real interests were bound up in the triumph of Free Labor and the maintenance of the Union, yet her managing politician
any other living man to up-hold the Government against all rebellious citizens, whether there be one or many of them in a State. If nine-tenths of the people of any State rebel against the authority of this Government, the physical power of this Government should be brought to reduce those citizens to subjection. The State survives; and, I have no doubt, the State of South Carolina, and the State of Florida, and the State of Virginia, will be represented on this floor long after the honorable Senator and I have filled the mission allotted to us. Mr. Browning. I trust so. I will not stop to deal with technicalities; I care not whether you call it the subjugation of the people or the subjugation of the State, where all the authorities of a State, where all tile officers, who are the embodiment of the power of the State, who speak for the State, who represent the government of the State, where they are all disloyal and banded in treasonable confederation against this Government, I,
ld of barely six acres, in which his men were formed, and at once fell back some sixty yards to obtain a better position. An hour later, being still Battle of Ball's Bluff. A Path by which the Rebels tried to enter the open field. B. Flank movement attempted by the Rebels; defeated by the California Regiment. unsupported, he fell back again nearly to the edge of the bluff, where he was soon after reenforced, as he had been promised, by the California regiment, Col. E. D. Baker, U. S. Senator from Oregon; formerly in Congress from Illinois, and a Colonel in the Mexican War. who, being the ranking officer, assumed command — having received from Gen. Stone an order to support Col. Devens, or withdraw his force to the Maryland shore, at his discretion. It seems that Col. Baker had doubts, on reaching the river, whether to reenforce or withdraw Col. Devens's men; but, hearing that the enemy were already upon Col. D., he decided that he had no choice but to reenforce. The main
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