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Inscriptions on Achilles' shield the Press on the lecture Count Gurowski--Mr. Seward reasons against secrecy in the Senate speech in Faneuil Hall he addresses re endeavoring to establish, as the impregnable defence of its usurpation. Mr. Seward happened to be absent—fact that was very widely commented on, but satisfactord so earnestly that he could not refuse, he was introduced to the audience by Mr. Seward, in these words: Fellow-citizens: A dozen years ago I was honored by beinvening of the day of the assault, the Republican Senators met at the house of Mr. Seward. In a lean minority—only one-fifth of the Senate—they knew that they were ats some member of the dominant party should move a committee of investigation, Mr. Seward should make such motion. On the assembling of the Senate, amid deep exciter and dignity of the Senate. As no Democratic Senator proposed any action, Mr. Seward offered a resolution for a committee of five members, to be appointed by the <
ry. It will distinguish the day when the advocates of that theory of governmental policy —Constitution construction—which he has so nobly defended, and so brilliantly illustrated, no longer content to stand on the defence in the contest with Slavery, boldly attacks the very citadel of its power, in that doctrine of finality which two of the political parties of the country, through their national organizations, are endeavoring to establish, as the impregnable defence of its usurpation. Mr. Seward happened to be absent—fact that was very widely commented on, but satisfactorily explained to the minds of many, by his feeling constrained to keep away, because of the prominent support he had rendered, and seemed disposed to continue to render, to Gen. Scott. But on reading the speech, he wrote to Mr. Sumner:—Your speech is an admirable, a great, a very great one. That is my opinion, and everybody around me, of all sorts, confess it. In addition to what he had already said in the
tic style, said: I have just finished the reading of your admirable Oration. I am en extase. I was near to cry. You have thrown the gauntlet once more to the Gentlemen from the South, bravely, decidedly, and pitilessly. Don't be astonished if they shall send you, covered with laurels as you are, to Coventry. This, undoubtedly, they will do. Being invited to deliver the same address at Auburn, and pressed so earnestly that he could not refuse, he was introduced to the audience by Mr. Seward, in these words: Fellow-citizens: A dozen years ago I was honored by being chosen to bring my neighbors residing here to the acquaintance of a statesman of Massachusetts, who was then directing the last energies of an illustrious life to the removal of the crime of human slavery from the soil of our beloved country—a statesman whose course I had chosen for my own guidance—John Quincy Adams, the old man eloquent. He has ascended to heaven; you and I yet remain in the field of toil and
Liii. In the evening of the day of the assault, the Republican Senators met at the house of Mr. Seward. In a lean minority—only one-fifth of the Senate—they knew that they were at the mercy of the majority, which was dominated by the incensed and inexorable leaders of the Slave Power. Always bitter and implacable, they werson should call the attention of the Senate to the subject the next day, and, unless some member of the dominant party should move a committee of investigation, Mr. Seward should make such motion. On the assembling of the Senate, amid deep excitement, crowds filling every available space in the Chamber and all its approaches, Mg measures to redress the wrongs of a member of this body and to vindicate the honor and dignity of the Senate. As no Democratic Senator proposed any action, Mr. Seward offered a resolution for a committee of five members, to be appointed by the President, to inquire into the assault and to report the facts, together with their
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
would injure their prospects in the Presidential campaign that was not far off. But they had occasion ere long to talk in a different strain. It was fast becoming evident that the day of compromise and soft words had gone by forever—that what Mr. Seward had denominated the Irrepressible Conflict, was at hand—that the gathering storm was soon to burst—that the loud threats of Secessionists meant something—that the feeling of the Slavery leaders in Congress was rapidly getting beyond all limits applause broke forth. It is the first time Mr. Sumner has spoken in public since he was laid low in the Senate House, and New York by this grand demonstration has shown its eagerness to welcome him to the field of so many former triumphs. Mr. Seward wrote to the speaker: Your speech, in every part, is noble and great. Even you never spoke so well. We have no room for this Oration—for it is worthy of the name:—it is enough, however, to say that, without any sacrifice of the lofty t
Iii. But many of the leading journals of the Republican party affected to lament the delivery of the speech, apprehensive it would injure their prospects in the Presidential campaign that was not far off. But they had occasion ere long to talk in a different strain. It was fast becoming evident that the day of compromise and soft words had gone by forever—that what Mr. Seward had denominated the Irrepressible Conflict, was at hand—that the gathering storm was soon to burst—that the loud threats of Secessionists meant something—that the feeling of the Slavery leaders in Congress was rapidly getting beyond all limits of control—that they were determined to place Slavery once more on a solid basis of political power, or break up the Union. They had everywhere grown desperate; their insatiate malice could no longer be appeased except with Sumner's blood; and all the while they were known, not only to have the sympathy of pro-Slavery men at the North, in both the old parties, but
speech. His commanding person, his distinct utterance, and his graceful elocution, combined with the eloquence of his words in keeping the immense auditory to their seats for two hours, without a movement, and almost without a breath, save when the applause broke forth. It is the first time Mr. Sumner has spoken in public since he was laid low in the Senate House, and New York by this grand demonstration has shown its eagerness to welcome him to the field of so many former triumphs. Mr. Seward wrote to the speaker: Your speech, in every part, is noble and great. Even you never spoke so well. We have no room for this Oration—for it is worthy of the name:—it is enough, however, to say that, without any sacrifice of the lofty tone and scholarly finish of his Senatorial speeches, it most strikingly popularized the chief arguments that had made the burden of his former efforts—that it was printed entire in the Tribune, Times, Herald and World, and that enormous editions were circ<
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
hington, dated London, November 30th, which were read to Mr. Seward on the 19th of December. A peremptory demand was made fthe state of feeling in England could have reached here, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Adams, our Minister atat Lord Lyons had read the English Secretary's demand to Mr. Seward. It was then in the power of Earl Russell to make the purport of Mr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British ministry had done everexico, in pursuance of the plan suggested by Mr. Corwin. Mr. Seward earnestly recommended the proposition of the President, orm. Sunday evening I had a visit from Thurlow Weed and Seward. The former told me that he found himself alone. Nobody In the early part of 1862, after a conference between Mr. Seward and Senator Sumner, negotiations were opened, and finallto the suppression of the Slave-trade. It was signed by Mr. Seward and Lord Lyons on the 7th of April. On the 24th of that
Xxiv. The seizure of the Commissioners was no sooner known in England, than a burst of indignation was witnessed, and by the first steamer, despatches were received from Earl Russell to Lord Lyons the British Minister at Washington, dated London, November 30th, which were read to Mr. Seward on the 19th of December. A peremptory demand was made for the liberation of the two Commissioners and their secretaries, and an apology for the aggression which had been committed, with no further delay than seven days; after which, if not complied with, the minister was instructed to leave Washington, with all the members of his legation, taking with him the archives of the legation, and reporting immediately in London. He was also to communicate all information in his power to the British Governors of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Jamaica, Bermuda, and such other of her Majesty's possessions as were within his reach. All this meant war. England saw her opportunity, and she was det
the meantime, before Earl Russell's dispatch was received in Washington, or any possibility of news of the state of feeling in England could have reached here, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Adams, our Minister at London, an account of what had occurred, and stated that Captain Wilkes acted without any instructions n. By a singular coincidence, this letter was read by Mr. Adams to Earl Russell on the very same day that Lord Lyons had read the English Secretary's demand to Mr. Seward. It was then in the power of Earl Russell to make the purport of Mr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British miMr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British ministry had done everything in their power to inflame. But this was not done. In speaking of this, Mr. Dana remarks: The truth seems to be that, so long as they were uncertain whether their menace of war might not lead to war, they could not afford to withdraw the chief motive for the war spirit in the British people, and adm
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