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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
e than others, his sense of disappointment was greater than theirs; and the England of his youth was never the same England to him again. Saddest of all was the cold shoulder of scholars and philanthropists. Among those in our favor were Goldwin Smith, Thomas Hughes, Mill, Huxley, Fawcett, R. M. Miles, and F. W. Newman. R. M. Milnes wrote to C. J. MacCarty, Jan. 20, 1862: I am in a minority of two or three, the House of Commons and society being all Southern; and to George von Bunsen, Feb.ork Evening Post, Dec. 28, 1868. After all, no different course was to be expected from this statesman. His parliamentary career began with apologies for African slavery, May 17 and June 2, 1833. Address to electors of Newark, Oct. 9, 1832. Smith's Life of W. E. Gladstone, chap. III. and his family interest in a West India plantation made him easily the admirer of Jefferson Davis. Sumner delivered, September 10, an address in New York on Our Foreign Relations, in compliance with an in
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
y to France, or rather to its ruler; but I would not say anything now which cannot be maintained, nor which can add to our present embarrassments. Again, May 17:— Winter Davis has just come to press me about his Mexican resolution. Goldwin Smith's pamphlet is excellent. Letter to a Whig member of the Southern Independence Association. Lieber had asked Sumner to request the President to read it. Lieber's Life and Letters, p. 345. I doubt if it would interest the President, who reaapplied to the Trent case. Boston Advertiser, Nov. 29, 1864, Jan. 17, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 141-173. Other writers who took his view in the discussion were Theophilus Parsons, George Bemis, and C. F. Dunbar; but on the other side were Goldwin Smith and Prof. Henry W. Torrey, —the latter writing with the signature of Privatus. Cobden, in the last letter but one which he wrote to Sumner, objected to his use of England's old doings as an excuse for your present shortcomings; and thought t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
y is out of the way the whole rebellion will disappear. While that is in a fighting condition there is still a hope for the rebels, and the Unionists of the South are afraid to show themselves. I am sorry that so great and good a man as Goldwin Smith, who has done so much for us, should fall into what Mr. Canning would call cantanker. He rushed too swiftly to his conclusion; Reply of Goldwin Smith in Boston Advertiser, January 26, to his critics—Theophilus Parsons and George Bemis. buGoldwin Smith in Boston Advertiser, January 26, to his critics—Theophilus Parsons and George Bemis. but I hope that we shall not lose his powerful support for the good cause. I have felt it my duty to say to the British charge; here that nothing could be done to provide for British claims on our government arising out of the war, which are very numerous, until Lord Russell took a different course with regard to ours. He tosses ours aside haughtily. I am sorry, for my system is peace and good-will, which I shall try in my sphere to cultivate, but there must be reciprocity. P. S. Did I ment
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
d temperate way. Its chief points were that expressions of regret from the British government could not be expected, and that the senator had confounded legal considerations of the first importance with totally distinct moral considerations. Goldwin Smith, then in the United States, wrote front Boston, April 18, to a workingmen's paper in England, that after the speech English emigration to the United States could not be encouraged, and that English residents might soon have to leave this country! This letter was copied generally by the English press, and was effective in spreading alarm in that country. It was the subject of kindly but trenchant criticism in two Boston journals, May 21,—the Advertiser and the Journal. Mr. Smith also replied to Sumner in a speech at Ithaca, May 19. Not one of them, not even the Times, with its enormous space, admitted it to its columns, but only culled extracts to suit a purpose. That journal contained, May 1, twenty columns of debates in Parl