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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
wo States. In the midst of the general panic and demoralization there were senators and representatives who stood firmly for maintaining the historic positions of the Republican party. They included two-thirds of the Republican senators, but a smaller proportion of the Republican members of the House, where there was much shifting of position. New York Times, January 23; February 5. Of this type in the Senate were Sumner, Wilson, Trumbull, Wade, and Preston King; and in the House, Thaddeus Stevens, John Hickman, G. A. Grow, Roscoe Conkling, and Owen Lovejoy; and among Massachusetts members, Alley, Buffinton, Burlingame, Eliot, and Gooch. At such a period the steady courage of Sumner was of inestimable service in saving the country from the disaster of compromise and surrender. The intimacy between Sumner and Adams, which began in 1845, and had been very close during the political conflicts of fifteen years, now came to an end. There was a scene in which Adams resented Sumner'
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
pp. 493-546), to which Montgomery Blair, Attorney-General, replied in a speech at Rockville, Md., October 3. The resolutions, however, were supported in the New York Tribune, Feb. 25 and March 15, 1862, by O. A. Brownson, the Catholic writer, and by a public meeting in Cooper Institute, March 6, 1862, where James A. Hamilton took the chair. (Works, vol. VI. pp. 376, 381-384.) Sumner's article was approved in letters from judge John Appleton of Maine, Isaac N. Arnold of Illinois, and Thaddeus Stevens. Mr. Blair, in letters to Sumner, September 24 and November 28, while maintaining at length his public criticisms, avowed his personal friendliness. Mr. Lincoln's comments on the opposite views of Sumner and Blair are given in his Life, by Nicolay and Hay, vol. IX. p. 336. Peace was as—yet so far in the distance that the question had not become a practical one; but Sumner always thought it wise to break ground early, and prepare the public mind for an approaching issue. Two years
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
uffrage against the President's plan. Members of Congress were confused by events. Conness did not see how impartial suffrage, although he believed in it, could be imposed by Congress. Wilson, Fessenden, who had an interview with the President early in September, expressed the same view to Wilson. E. D. Morgan, Morrill of Maine, and Howard of Michigan were disposed to hope for the best, and to make the best of the situation, and advised a conciliatory treatment of the President. Thaddeus Stevens, Henry Winter Davis, and Wade Howard and Wade ascribed the present difficulty to President Lincoln's course on the reconstruction bill in 1864, and thought that his action was in substance the same as his successor's. took a cheerless view of the political prospect, and saw small chance of success against Executive influence and patronage on a question where there was so much popular indifference and opposition among Republicans. Howard and Davis were averse to any direct issue with
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
on the part of the Senate, and Stevens on the part of the House. Stevens opened the debate, December 18, with a speech on the duties and pos provision, with some variations, was the same as was proposed by Stevens at the beginning of the session, and later offered with some changof slavery. The amendment, however, drew out sincere enthusiasm. Stevens saw in it the speedy regeneration of the South. Wilson approved ient in political quarters, and Sumner was held responsible for it. Stevens said in the House that the amendment had been slaughtered by a puepresentation clause of the fourteenth amendment is a curious one. Stevens's and Wilson's extravagant hopes of its efficacy have been noted. —Blaine, Boutwell, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Morrill, and Stevens. The President vetoed the bill chiefly on the ground of an insuffcans—Allison, Boutwell, Eliot, Garfield, Jenckes, Julian, Morrill, Stevens, and E. B. Washburne. Sumner likewise failed to impose his fun
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
. This contumacy, in connection with the injustice which the freedmen were suffering in those States from oppressive legislation and popular violence, brought Congress at last to the most thorough measure known in our history. The House, under Stevens's lead, carried a bill which divided those States into military districts, put them under military authority, set up military tribunals, and forbade all interference with proceedings under the Act by the pretended State governments organized bytution, G. V. Fox, Commander John Rodgers, M. C. Meigs, Louis Agassiz, Agassiz wrote (April 6) of the immense natural resources of the country in fisheries, furs, and timber, and the space unoccupied by population opening before our race. Thaddeus Stevens, W. Beach Lawrence, and John M. Forbes, but disapproved by George S. Boutwell, B. R. Wood of Albany, and Moses Pierce of Norwich, Conn. With rare exceptions, generally those of officers of the navy and of the coast survey, incredulity as to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
and not for me. June 23. Congressional Globe, p. 3394. A passage in Sumner's tribute to Thaddeus Stevens, Dec. 18. 1869. Works, vol. XIII. p. 5, is likely to refer to Conkling Sumner then weSumner, Dec. 9, 1868, in opposition to a contraction of the currency; and the last words of Thaddeus Stevens in the House, within a month before his death, were for the payment of the five-twenties in with salmon fishing. Again, August 13 :— I have been detained here by the death of Mr. Stevens. He was a hero, but no financier. On slavery and the suppression of the rebellion he was alay. Sumner lingered at the capital, as was his custom, attending there the funeral of Thaddens Stevens, He delivered at the next session, Dec. 18, 1839 (Works, vol. XIII. pp. 2-9), a eulogy on MMr. Stevens, in which he described the latter's remarkable qualities as a parliamentary leader. at which he served as pall-bearer, and arriving in Boston in the middle of August. Just before leaving