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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 31: the prison—discipline debates in Tremont Temple.—1846-1847. (search)
dly zeal Mr. Dwight; Bradford Sumner, a lawyer respectable in character, but moderate in professional attainments; J. Thomas Stevenson, who confessed that he knew nothing about prison discipline, and whose late participation in the debate was due onclose the debate; but his opponents feared its effect on a vote immediately taken, and insisted on further discussion. Stevenson replied, justifying Dwight's good faith and his citations of Lafayette's and Roscoe's opinions. Gray began to speak, beting adjourned. At the next and final meeting Gray replied to Sumner's speech, and Sumner followed with a rejoinder. Stevenson continued his defence of Dwight's extracts from Lafayette and Roscoe, the ever recurring point of contention, and movedcussions were brought to a close in an unexpected way. Charles P. Curtis, a prominent member of the bar and relative of Stevenson, and like him drawn to the meeting by political antipathy to Sumner and Howe, C. F. Adams noted the underlying polit
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ivisions no longer bound together by any tie of sympathy. The next step was the consideration of the resolutions, which were reported from a committee by J. Thomas Stevenson, one of the commercial Whigs, and according to the fashion of the day were extended to an extreme length. The resolutions had been agreed upon the evenincernible; and when the point as to whether there was a material difference was made in the debate, and the reading of the declaration in question was called for, Stevenson read in a high, triumphant, and sonorous tone the paragraph which had been inserted at Hoar's instance but against his own protest. E. H. Hoar, while in full ac with which the Whigs had been identified, and affirmed that the slavery question could be successfully dealt with only by the united Whig party of the country. Stevenson in reading them so managed his voice, which was high-sounding and declamatory, as to give quite as much emphasis to the old commonplaces as to the new and greate
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
as a representative body well worthy of the State. The Boston delegation included, among lawyers, Rufus Choate, Sidney Bartlett, F. B. Crowninshield, George S. Hillard, Thomas Hopkinson, Samuel D. Parker, George Morey, and Judge Peleg Sprague; among physicians, Jacob Bigelow and George Hayward; among clergymen, Samuel K. Lothrop and George W. Blagden; among editors, Nathan Hale, William Schouler, and J. S. Sleeper; and among merchants, William Appleton, Samuel A. Eliot, John C. Gray, J. Thomas Stevenson, and George B. Upton. Cambridge sent two jurists, Simon Greenleaf and Joel Parker, a former and a present professor in the Law School. Salem sent Otis P. Lord, later a judge; and Pittsfield, George N. Briggs. Against this array of Whigs was an equally formidable list of Democrats and Free Soilers. Among the former were Banks, Boutwell, Hallett, B. F. Butler (since known as General Butler), W. Griswold, and J. G. Abbott; and among the latter were Wilson, Dana, Sumner, Burlingame,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ere was a demonstration, February 23, perhaps the most notable in all her history. The mercantile Whigs, keeping aloof from the antislavery men, met in Faneuil Hall, which was filled in every part. The chairman was Samuel A. Eliot, already familiar to these pages. On the platform, in conspicuous seats, were the merchants and lawyers who were original supporters of the Compromise of 1850, or afterwards joined in condemning the agitation for its repeal. The principal orators, Hillard and Stevenson, spoke like men who had been duped by the slaveholding interest, and yet were loath to own it. They had paid, as they hinted, too high a price for what they surrendered four years before,—a confession to which thousands before them gave audible assent. The Advertiser, May 29, said that the supporters of the Compromise of 1850 were entirely disgusted and disheartened. the Atlas, in an early protest against the bill, February 21, wrote that its passage would justify all that the Free Soi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
and the American, or Know Nothing, party taking the same position as the Republican on the slavery question, prevailed at the election, and their candidate for governor, Henry J. Gardner, received a large plurality. The Boston Whigs (the remnant of the party long dominant in the State) again resisted the fusion, and gave a third of the fourteen thousand votes which were received by the Whig candidate, Samuel H. Walley, who was supported in speeches or letters by Choate, Winthrop, Hillard, Stevenson, F. C. Gray, and N. Appleton,—names already familiar to these pages. Their newspaper organ, the Advertiser, with unchanged proprietorship, appealed to old prejudices, and rallied Whig voters with the charge that the Republican party was a geographical and sectional party, with aims and tendencies hostile to the Union and the Constitution. So virulent was its partisanship that on the morning after the election it counted triumphantly, using capitals, the aggregate vote of Know Nothings,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
sand; Bell, twenty-two thousand; and Breckinridge, six thousand. In the electoral colleges Lincoln received one hundred and eighty votes; Breckinridge, seventy-two; Bell, thirty-nine; and Douglas, twelve. The Unionists in the South were divided between Douglas and Bell. In the North the rump of the Whig party—those antipathetic to antislavery sentiments—supported Bell and Everett; and their leaders in Massachusetts were chiefly the old opponents of the Conscience Whigs,—Winthrop, Eliot, Stevenson, G. T. Curtis, Walley, and Hillard. Some of these leaders are described in the New York Tribune; September 17, and the Boston Atlas and Bee, September 28. Felton, at this time President of Harvard College, and George Ticknor voted for Bell and Everett. The Whig conservatism of Boston had been broken up; but a remnant of five thousand votes was given in the city for Bell and Everett, principally cast by voters having a mercantile interest or connection, while the masses gave nearly ten <