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Vii. The Missouri struggle. Scott Clay Pinkney P. P. Barbour Webster John W. Taylor Thomas — the Compromise. when the State of Louisiana, previously known as the Territory of Orleainsisted on its amendment without a division; and, on the return of the bill to the House, Mr. John W. Taylor, Some years afterward, Speaker of the House. of New York, moved that the House adhere tte of that name, to be known as the Territory of Arkansas, was considered at this session, and Mr. Taylor, of New York, moved the application thereto of the restriction aforesaid. So much of it as re by no means worsted in the argument. Here is a specimen of their logic, from the speech of John W. Taylor: February 15, 1819. Gentlemen have said the amendment is in violation of the treaty, reported the bill without restriction, and it came up as a special order. January 24, 1820. Mr. Taylor moved its postponement for a week, which was voted down — Yeas 87; Nays 88. It was considered
it, which was peremptorily, conclusively rejected. Directly thereafter, the South became agitated by fillibustering plots for the invasion and conquest of that island, wherein real or pretended Cubans by nativity were prominent as leaders. President Taylor was hardly warm in the White House before he was made aware that these schemes were on the point of realization, and compelled to issue his proclamation August 11, 1849. against them in these words: There is reason to believe that an ender against the laws providing for the performance of our sacred obligations to foreign powers. This emphatic warning probably embarrassed and delayed the execution of the plot, but did not defeat it. Early in August, 1851--or soon after Gen. Taylor's death — an expedition under Lopez, a Cuban adventurer, sailed in a steamer from New Orleans — always the hotbed of the projects of the Slavery propagandists. About five hundred men embarked in this desperate enterprise, by which a landing w
ance. It either meant to cling to the Constitution and Union at all hazards and under all circumstances, and to insist that the laws should be enforced throughout the country, or it was guilty of seeking votes under false pretenses. Unlike the Douglas Democracy, it was a distinct, well-established party, which had a definitive existence, and at least a semblance of organization in every Slave State but South Carolina. It had polled a majority of the Southern vote for Harrison in 1840, for Taylor in 1848, had just polled nearly forty per cent. of that vote for Bell, and might boast its full share of the property, and more than its share of the intelligence and respectability, of the South. This party had but to be courageously faithful to its cardinal principle and to its abiding convictions to avert the storm of civil war. Had its leaders, its orators, its presses, spoken out promptly, decidedly, unconditionally, for the Union at all hazards, and for settling our differences in Con
e all immeasurably subservient to the Slave Power. In fact, the chief topic of political contention, whether in the press or on the stump, had for twenty years been the relative soundness and thoroughness of the rival parties in their devotion to Slavery. On this ground, Gen. Jackson had immensely the advantage of J. Q. Adams, so far as the South was concerned, when they were rival candidates for the Presidency; as Gen. Harrison had some advantage of Mr. Van Buren; Mr. Polk of Mr. Clay; Gen. Taylor of Gen. Cass; Gen. Pierce of Gen. Scott; and, lastly, Major Breckinridge of John Bell. In Kentucky, in the State canvass of 1859, Mr. Joshua F. Bell, American candidate for Governor, had tried hard to cut under his Democratic antagonist, Beriah Magoffin, but had failed, and been signally defeated. His more spotless record as a Slavery propagandist had enabled the supporters of Breckinridge to carry even Maryland for him against Bell, in 1860. And now, the readiness to back South Caroli
, Nov. 12th, says: Our loss was about 84 killed, 150 wounded--many of them slightly — and about an equal number missing. A letter preserved in The Rebellion Record, dated Camp McClernand, Cairo, Nov. 8th, says: The Memphis returned at midnight. The expedition that went down upon her with flags of truce report the whole number of our dead, found and buried by them upon the battle-field, at 85. This includes all. The Rebels acknowledge their loss to be 350 killed. A private in Taylor's battery writes: After we got out into the river, and in range, we opened with three of our guns, together with the gunboats: and the way we dropped the shell among them was a caution. The firing did not cease till sundown. This private sums up the battle as follows: To recapitulate: We had about 4,000 men; attacked about 3,000 at Belmont, and drove them from the field; when they were reenforced by 4,000 from above and 3,000 below, together with cavalry and four batteries from
n's recollections of, 357-8; allusion to, 384. California, in Congress, 190 to 196; 201; President Taylor's Message in relation to, 202; congressional, 203; Mason, Davis, Clay, and Webster on Slavehirty-three, 386; is beaten by May, for Congress, 555. Davis, Jefferson, 97; votes against Gen. Taylor, 199; opposes Clay's Compromise measures, 204; heads the State Rights Ticket in Miss., 211; iion, 108; Republican triumph in, in 1858, 300. New Mexico, in Congress, 190 to 196; 201; President Taylor's Message in relation to, 2(2; in Congress again, 203; Mason, Jeff. Davis, Clay, and Webste; 126. Tappan, Lewis, his house mobbed, 126. Tassells, an Indian, hung in Georgia, 106. Taylor, Gen. Zachary, in Texas, 186; defeats the Mexicans, 187; nominated for President, and elected, 1 the California Constitution, 203; his death, 2081; proclamation against fillibustering, 269. Taylor, John W., of N. Y., 75; his speech on the Missouri question, 77; 78. Tennessee, slave populat
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 4. (ed. Frank Moore), The Desecration of the Stars and Stripes. (search)
s the street on lines attached to the residences of Capt. John W. Taylor and Mrs. E. T. Rinehart. When the halyards were cue for the two bloods, who had escaped into the house of Capt. Taylor. Henderson was found under a clothes-basket, after theem from the vengeance of the people but respect for Capt. John W. Taylor, at whose house they were stopping. Capt. Taylor wCapt. Taylor was not at home when the outrage was committed, but when he arrived he promptly ordered the heroes off. Upon this, McClure threatened to blow Capt. Taylor's brains out in his own house, seizing a double-barreled gun belonging to Capt. Taylor. Both Capt. Taylor. Both barrels were loaded, but fortunately there were no caps on. Capt. Taylor hastened to arm himself, but fortunately the peopleCapt. Taylor hastened to arm himself, but fortunately the people came to the rescue, when our guests were marched off. It is providential that there was not a tragedy on the spot. Capt. TCapt. Taylor has the deepest sympathies of the people, and they regret that he and his family were exposed to the mortifying circum
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Missouri compromise, the (search)
tude. This partition policy was warmly opposed by a large number of members of Congress from the North and the South, declaring themselves hostile to any compromise whatever. Slavery was either right or wrong, and there could be no compromise. Taylor withdrew his motion. The proposition for a compromise which was finally agreed to was originated by a Northern member, and not by Henry Clay, of Kentucky, as is generally supposed. This Missouri bill caused one of the most exciting debates onng Randolph and two or three followers, voting for it. The committee was appointed, and soon reported. The closing decision on the Missouri question was finally reached by the adoption of a compromise, Feb. 27, 1821, substantially as proposed by Taylor, of New York, in 1819—namely, that in all territory north of lat. 36° 30′ N. (outside the boundary of the State of Missouri) slavery should not exist, but should be forever prohibited in the region north of that line. But Missouri was admitted a
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), States, the, and the popular vote in Presidential elections (search)
election of that year is not included in Popular and electoral votes. Candidates.Popular Vote.Electoral Vote.Ratio of Electoral to Popular Vote. 1 to —.Popular Plurality.Electoral MajorityRatio of Electoral Majority to Popular Plurality. 1 to —. Jackson647,2311783,636138,134951,454 Adams509,097836,134 Jackson687,5022193,139157,313170925 Clay530,1894910,820 Harrison1,275,0172345,449146,315174841 Van Buren1,128,7026018,811 Polk1,337,2431707,86638,17565587 Clay1,299,06810512,372 Taylor1,360,1011638,344139,557363,876 Cass1,220,5441279,610 Pierce1,601,4742546,305220,8962111,047 Scott1,380,5764332,106 Buchanan1,838,16917410,564496,905608,281 Fremont1,341,26411411,765 Lincoln1,866,35218010,368491,1951682,924 Douglas1,375,15712114,596 Breckinridge845,7367211,746 Bell589,5813915,117 Lincoln2,216,06721210,453407,3421912,138 McClellan1,808,7252186,129 Grant3,015,07121423,435305,4561342,279 Seymour2,709,6158033,870 Grant3,597,07028612,577762,9912233,421 Greeley2,834,
Assault. --John W. Taylor, a member of the 5th Louisiana regiment, was arraigned before the Mayor yesterday, charged with assaulting Joseph Kingalow in the street. A witness testified that the difficulty took place in the bar-room of James Gorman, on 12th street, between Main and Cary, upon the adjournment of which to the street the parties were arrested. Taylor was sent to Major Griswold for immediate transit to his company. Assault. --John W. Taylor, a member of the 5th Louisiana regiment, was arraigned before the Mayor yesterday, charged with assaulting Joseph Kingalow in the street. A witness testified that the difficulty took place in the bar-room of James Gorman, on 12th street, between Main and Cary, upon the adjournment of which to the street the parties were arrested. Taylor was sent to Major Griswold for immediate transit to his company.
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