Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for John W. Taylor or search for John W. Taylor in all documents.

Your search returned 15 results in 6 document sections:

Vii. The Missouri struggle. Scott Clay Pinkney P. P. Barbour Webster John W. Taylor Thomas — the Compromise. when the State of Louisiana, previously known as the Territory of Orleainsisted on its amendment without a division; and, on the return of the bill to the House, Mr. John W. Taylor, Some years afterward, Speaker of the House. of New York, moved that the House adhere tte of that name, to be known as the Territory of Arkansas, was considered at this session, and Mr. Taylor, of New York, moved the application thereto of the restriction aforesaid. So much of it as re by no means worsted in the argument. Here is a specimen of their logic, from the speech of John W. Taylor: February 15, 1819. Gentlemen have said the amendment is in violation of the treaty, reported the bill without restriction, and it came up as a special order. January 24, 1820. Mr. Taylor moved its postponement for a week, which was voted down — Yeas 87; Nays 88. It was considered
it, which was peremptorily, conclusively rejected. Directly thereafter, the South became agitated by fillibustering plots for the invasion and conquest of that island, wherein real or pretended Cubans by nativity were prominent as leaders. President Taylor was hardly warm in the White House before he was made aware that these schemes were on the point of realization, and compelled to issue his proclamation August 11, 1849. against them in these words: There is reason to believe that an ender against the laws providing for the performance of our sacred obligations to foreign powers. This emphatic warning probably embarrassed and delayed the execution of the plot, but did not defeat it. Early in August, 1851--or soon after Gen. Taylor's death — an expedition under Lopez, a Cuban adventurer, sailed in a steamer from New Orleans — always the hotbed of the projects of the Slavery propagandists. About five hundred men embarked in this desperate enterprise, by which a landing w
ance. It either meant to cling to the Constitution and Union at all hazards and under all circumstances, and to insist that the laws should be enforced throughout the country, or it was guilty of seeking votes under false pretenses. Unlike the Douglas Democracy, it was a distinct, well-established party, which had a definitive existence, and at least a semblance of organization in every Slave State but South Carolina. It had polled a majority of the Southern vote for Harrison in 1840, for Taylor in 1848, had just polled nearly forty per cent. of that vote for Bell, and might boast its full share of the property, and more than its share of the intelligence and respectability, of the South. This party had but to be courageously faithful to its cardinal principle and to its abiding convictions to avert the storm of civil war. Had its leaders, its orators, its presses, spoken out promptly, decidedly, unconditionally, for the Union at all hazards, and for settling our differences in Con
e all immeasurably subservient to the Slave Power. In fact, the chief topic of political contention, whether in the press or on the stump, had for twenty years been the relative soundness and thoroughness of the rival parties in their devotion to Slavery. On this ground, Gen. Jackson had immensely the advantage of J. Q. Adams, so far as the South was concerned, when they were rival candidates for the Presidency; as Gen. Harrison had some advantage of Mr. Van Buren; Mr. Polk of Mr. Clay; Gen. Taylor of Gen. Cass; Gen. Pierce of Gen. Scott; and, lastly, Major Breckinridge of John Bell. In Kentucky, in the State canvass of 1859, Mr. Joshua F. Bell, American candidate for Governor, had tried hard to cut under his Democratic antagonist, Beriah Magoffin, but had failed, and been signally defeated. His more spotless record as a Slavery propagandist had enabled the supporters of Breckinridge to carry even Maryland for him against Bell, in 1860. And now, the readiness to back South Caroli
, Nov. 12th, says: Our loss was about 84 killed, 150 wounded--many of them slightly — and about an equal number missing. A letter preserved in The Rebellion Record, dated Camp McClernand, Cairo, Nov. 8th, says: The Memphis returned at midnight. The expedition that went down upon her with flags of truce report the whole number of our dead, found and buried by them upon the battle-field, at 85. This includes all. The Rebels acknowledge their loss to be 350 killed. A private in Taylor's battery writes: After we got out into the river, and in range, we opened with three of our guns, together with the gunboats: and the way we dropped the shell among them was a caution. The firing did not cease till sundown. This private sums up the battle as follows: To recapitulate: We had about 4,000 men; attacked about 3,000 at Belmont, and drove them from the field; when they were reenforced by 4,000 from above and 3,000 below, together with cavalry and four batteries from
n's recollections of, 357-8; allusion to, 384. California, in Congress, 190 to 196; 201; President Taylor's Message in relation to, 202; congressional, 203; Mason, Davis, Clay, and Webster on Slavehirty-three, 386; is beaten by May, for Congress, 555. Davis, Jefferson, 97; votes against Gen. Taylor, 199; opposes Clay's Compromise measures, 204; heads the State Rights Ticket in Miss., 211; iion, 108; Republican triumph in, in 1858, 300. New Mexico, in Congress, 190 to 196; 201; President Taylor's Message in relation to, 2(2; in Congress again, 203; Mason, Jeff. Davis, Clay, and Webste; 126. Tappan, Lewis, his house mobbed, 126. Tassells, an Indian, hung in Georgia, 106. Taylor, Gen. Zachary, in Texas, 186; defeats the Mexicans, 187; nominated for President, and elected, 1 the California Constitution, 203; his death, 2081; proclamation against fillibustering, 269. Taylor, John W., of N. Y., 75; his speech on the Missouri question, 77; 78. Tennessee, slave populat