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Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Chapter 33: (search)
preservation to Captain Ringgold and the officers of the Sabine, to whom we tender our heartfelt thanks for their untiring labors while we were in danger, and their unceasing kindness since we have been on board the frigate. This report is respectfully submitted. I am, Commodore, very respectfully, your obedient servant, John Geo. Reynolds, Commanding Battalion Marines, Southern Division. Flag-Officer Samuel F. Dupont, Commanding United States Naval Expedition, Southern Coast, U. S. N. America. The capture of Tybee Island, Georgia. Flag-Ship Wabash, Port Royal Harbor, Nov. 25, 1861. Sir — I have the honor to inform the Department that the flag of the United States is flying over the territory of the State of Georgia. As soon as the serious injury to the boilers of the Flag had been repaired, I dispatched Commander John Rodgers to Tybee entrance, the mouth of Savannah River, to report to Commander Missroon, the senior officer, for a preliminary examination of the
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Letters relating to the battle of Port Royal and occupation of the Confederate forts. (search)
preservation to Captain Ringgold and the officers of the Sabine, to whom we tender our heartfelt thanks for their untiring labors while we were in danger, and their unceasing kindness since we have been on board the frigate. This report is respectfully submitted. I am, Commodore, very respectfully, your obedient servant, John Geo. Reynolds, Commanding Battalion Marines, Southern Division. Flag-Officer Samuel F. Dupont, Commanding United States Naval Expedition, Southern Coast, U. S. N. America. The capture of Tybee Island, Georgia. Flag-Ship Wabash, Port Royal Harbor, Nov. 25, 1861. Sir — I have the honor to inform the Department that the flag of the United States is flying over the territory of the State of Georgia. As soon as the serious injury to the boilers of the Flag had been repaired, I dispatched Commander John Rodgers to Tybee entrance, the mouth of Savannah River, to report to Commander Missroon, the senior officer, for a preliminary examination of the
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War., Chapter 45: the cruise of the Sumter and the havoc she committed. (search)
pponent, the de facto President of Venezuela. He thought surely some arrangement could be made with the South American republics, which were too weak to be worth the notice of the stronger Powers. What right had they to be putting on the airs of nations and talk about acknowledging other people who had never themselves been acknowledged by Spain? In this instance Semmes reckoned without his host, for he found at least one Government that had some respect left for the great republic of North America. Semmes arrived off Puerto Cabello after night-fall, and the next morning, making the ship and crew as much like those of a man-of-war as circumstances would permit, he steamed into the harbor, the prize-vessel following under sail. The Sumter had hoisted the Confederate flag early in the morning, and the Venezuelan colors were hoisted from the fort in response. The town looked like some old Moorish establishment transported to the New World, and its most prominent inhabitants appea
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture VII: the institution of domestic slavery. (search)
Such a step would have denied bread to the multitudes who already filled the menial offices of society. It was impracticable to do this, and inhuman to attempt it. Thus for long ages had degraded and enslaved Africa stretched forth her imploring hands, appealing to the benevolence of the world for relief. But the wisest and best men of the times saw no means of relief, and attempted none. In this state of African history, colonial settlements were ultimately effected on the coast of North America. At an early period an experiment was made by a Dutch Manhattan, to introduce African labor into the colonies. Here a wide field was open for their labor. It was greatly demanded. To labor here denied bread to no other laboring poor, as would have been the case in England. The idea was caught at in both hemispheres, as a God-send for the African — for the colonies, and a common civilization. No one dreamed of robbery, injustice, or wrong to any one! All considered it a wide door w
William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves., Lecture XII: the conservative influence of the African population of the South. (search)
der, or rather the mass of vicious ignorance and poverty which has there accumulated for ages. This maniac power must continue to work its extended desolations in Europe, except so far as it may be enervated by expanding on the wilderness of North America. It is fortunate for Europe that this enfeebling process is rapidly going forward; but it is most unfortunate for us that we are destined soon to concentrate a power which Europe is so happily expanding. We are destined, ere long, to becomeound philosophy will be at no loss to trace both one and the other to the agency, and that in no small degree, of that wonderful scheme of Divine Providence, by which so large a number of Africans were introduced into so many of the States of North America. Ay<*> and long before that day, the North will learn to do justice to their brethren of the South. When the fight shall wax warm, and the battle-cry shall be heard throughout all their coasts, then will it be seen and acknowledged that the
G. S. Hillard, Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General , U. S. Army, Appendix. Oration at West Point. (search)
modern armies. It may be regarded as coeval with the nation. It derives its origin from the old continental and State lines of the Revolution, whence, with some interruptions and many changes, it has attained its present condition. In fact, we may with propriety go even beyond the Revolution to seek the roots of our genealogical tree in the old French wars; for the cis-Atlantic campaigns of the seven years war were not confined to the red men scalping each other by the great lakes of North America, and it was in them that our ancestors first participated as Americans in the large operations of civilized armies. American regiments then fought on the banks of the St. Lawrence and the Ohio, on the shores of Ontario and Lake George, on the islands of the Caribbean and in South America. Louisburgh, Quebec, Duquesne, the Moro, and Porto Bello, attest the valor of the provincial troops; and in that school were educated such soldiers as Washington, Putnam, Lee, Montgomery, and Gates. T
by 26 Yeas to 15 Nays. Missouri, through her legislature, complied with the condition, and thereby became an admitted State. And thus closed the memorable Missouri controversy, which had for two years disturbed the harmony, and threatened the peace of the Union. Even John Adams's faith in the Union was somewhat shaken in this stormy passage of its history. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson, December 18, 1819, he said: The Missouri question, I hope, will follow the other waves under the ship, and do no harm. I know it is high treason to express a doubt of the perpetual duration of our vast American empire, and our free institutions; and I say as devoutly as father Paul, esto perpetua: and I am sometimes Cassandra enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice spirits of the same stamp might produce as many nations in North America as there are in Europe.--Adams's Works, vol. x., p. 386.
isguise its intents, purposes and consequences, as sophistry may struggle to do, the further great truth cannot be hidden, that its main object is the conquest of a market for slaves, and that the flag our victorious legions rally around, fight under, and fall for, is to be desecrated from its holy character of Liberty and Emancipation into an errand of Bondage and Slavery. * * * We protest, too, in the name of the rights of Man and of Liberty, against the further extension of Slavery in North America. The curse which our mother country inflicted upon us, in spite of our fathers' remonstrances, we demand shall never blight the virgin soil of the North Pacific. * * * * We will not pour out the blood of our countrymen, if we can help it, to turn a Free into a Slave soil; we will not spend from fifty to a hundred millions of dollars per year to make a Slave market for any portion of our countrymen. * * * The Union as it is, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union, we will stand by to
possessions of the crown of France in America, as well as those which it may acquire by the future treaty of peace: And his Most Christian Majesty guarantees on his part to the United States their liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as commerce, and also their possessions, and the additions or conquests that their confederation may obtain during the war, from any of the dominions now or heretofore possessed by Great Britain in North America, conformably to the 5th and 6th articles above written, the whole as their possessions shall be fixed and assured to the said States, at the moment of the cessation of their present war with England. Such a guarantee could not, in the nature of things, endure and be fulfilled, unless the contracting parties were to become, in effect, one nation; or, at least, to be partners or confederates in all their future wars. In the case actually presented, the monarch with whom we made this t
. No grievance of any name or nature is alleged or insinuated, but such as flow from anti-Slavery feeling and action in the Free States, culminating in the election of Lincoln. The Declaration concludes as follows: We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate and independent State, with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. On motion of Mr. W. F. De Saussure, it was further Resolved, That the passage of the Ordinance be proclaimed by the firing of artillery and the ringing of the bells of the city
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