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in much account. He knows very well that they cannot exist as a separate nation without the Border States; that their poverty and weakness would expose them to general contempt, and make separate existence intolerable. And although he will not permit them, on that account, to secede, and so give a foothold to ambitious and intriguing European powers, he is not much concerned about their opinion of his scheme. If the Federal Congress assents, and the Border States adopt it, slavery in North-America is doomed, and the Gulf States may be left to come their senses. Whenever they do so, the Federal Government will assist them in getting rid of a curse. Mr. Lincoln's proposition appears to have startled the American public by its comprehensiveness, and we shall have to wait to learn what impression it will make on the country. The extracts We give from the New-York papers, can tell us little. It is natural for us, accustomed as we are to learn the state of public opinion in the va
d yesterday afternoon Col. Ingalls and Captain Rankin started across the peninsula on horseback. Captain Sawtelle remained to direct the operations at the Landing, and great praise is due him for his energetic and indefatigable exertions and excellent management throughout. All being now safely embarked on board the different vessels, Col. Butler, commandant of the depot-guard, called in his sentinels, who were on duty at the different wharves, and embarked his regiment on board the North-America. His regiment, the Ninety-third New-York, have performed the arduous duties of guarding the depots at White House and Harrison's Landing with credit to themselves and satisfaction to the whole army. And now they, too, are all embarked, and the last steamer has steamed to the centre of the stream, the mighty fleet quietly resting at anchor on the bosom of the placid James, waiting for the changing of the tide, which is the signal of departure. The last steamer had paddled out in the
The department commends your efforts to save the lives of drowning men, although they had been engaged in robbing and destroying the property of those who had never injured them. In paroling the prisoners, however, you committed a grave error. The Alabama was an English-built vessel, armed and manned by Englishmen; has never had any other than an English register; has never sailed under any recognized national flag since she left the shores of England; has never visited any port of North-America, and her career of devastation, since she went forth from England, is one that does not entitle those of her crew who were captured to be paroled. This department expressly disavows that act. Extreme caution must be exercised, so that we in no way change the character of this English-built and English-manned, if not English-owned vessel, or relieve those who may be implicated in sending forth this robber upon the seas from any responsibility to which they may be liable for the outrages
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley, part 1.4, chapter 1.12 (search)
sm would have been the height of absurdity, but I was absolutely indifferent as to what they might do with me now. Could I have multiplied myself into a thousand, such unintellectual-looking louts might have been brushed out of existence with ease — despite their numbers. They were apparently new troops, from such back-lands as were favoured by German immigrants; and, though of sturdy build, another such mass of savagery and stupidity could not have been found within the four corners of North America. How I wished I could return to the Confederates, and tell them what kind of people were opposing them! Before their bayonets reached me, my two guards, who were ruddy-faced Ohioans, flung themselves before me, and, presenting their rifles, cried, Here! Stop that, you fellows! He is our prisoner! A couple of officers were almost as quick as they, and flourished their swords; and, amid an expenditure of profanity, drove them quickly back into their ranks, cursing and blackguarding
Chapter 3: Civil history. When the Europeans took possession of North America, by the right of discovery, their entry of lands, countries, and continents was deemed by them as legal ownership for their sovereign. The discoveries of John and Sebastian Cabot, Bartholomew Gosnold, and others, were understood to give to James I., of England, the coasts and country of New England. The king accordingly claimed, in the eighteenth year of his reign, the entire continent between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. In that same year, he granted to the Council of Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New England, in America, all that part of America lying and being in breadth from forty degrees to forty-eight degrees of north latitude, and in length of and within all the breadth aforesaid throughout the mainland, from sea to sea, --to be holden of him, his heirs, and successors, as of his manor of East Greenwich, in the county of Kent, in
Hagar cost £ 35, sterling; but I will take £ 30 for her. I gave for Mira £ 35, but will take £ 25. If Mr. Benjamin Hall will give the $100 for her which he offered, he may have her, it being a good place. As to Betsey, and her daughter Nancy, the former may tarry, or take her freedom, as she may choose; and Nancy you may put out to some good family by the year. Colonel Royal was then on the eve of departure for England; and he thus writes to his friend in Medford:-- I shall leave North America with great reluctance; but my health and business require it; and I hope, through the goodness of God, if my life is spared, to be able to return again soon. In August, 1777, Dr. Tufts had a letter from him, dated Kensington, England. Colonel Cary, who had married a lady from New York, occupied Colonel Royal's house in 1778. The house and farm were rented for £ 200. At a later period, when three gentlemen bought the entire estate on speculation, expecting to realize large fortunes b
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 2. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Editorial paragraphs. (search)
hat we trust our gallant friend will excuse the liberty we take in presenting it to our readers: Custrin, Prussia, 1876. Rev. J. Wm. Jones, D. D., Secretary Southern Historical Society: Dear Sir — With the most sincere thanks for the regular sending of your Society Papers, which give me great pleasure, and create great interest in the historical world, I transmit to the Society, by the kindness of Colonel C. S. Venable, a copy of the French edition of my work on the Civil War in North America. The English and French critics having commended my little work, more highly perhaps than it merits, I am emboldened to place it upon the table of the Southern Historical Society as a small token of my gratitude to the valiant and hospitable people of the South. I regret one error which crept into my book, in a way which I will explain. I left the South in September 1863, and was obliged to take the events of the campaign of 1864-65 from foreign authors. I studied Fletcher and
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Official correspondence of Confederate State Department. (search)
er from any interference with the matter. While desirous of upholding to the full extent the rights and interests of our country, we wish particularly to avoid the presentation of demands not entirely justified by the principles of public law and international morality. I have the directions of the President to intimate to you his satfaction with your exercise of this discretion. The encroachment on the sovereign jurisdiction of Her Britanic Majesty over her Colonial possessions in North America, and the violation of the neutrality proclaimed by Her Majesty, as disclosed in the judicial proceedings, are disclaimed and disapproved by this Government. While we maintain and shall continue to uphold the right and duty of every citizen of the Confederate States and every foreigner enlisted in their service to wage warfare, openly or by strategem, upon the vessels of our enemies on the high seas, whether armed or not, we distinctly disclaim aud disavow all attempts to organize within
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 7.48 (search)
chments of the French. He reduced to submission the Indian tribes, and, blending humanity with vigor, taught them that while he could chastise their insolence, he commiserated their fate. He took measures to extend the advantages of a Christian education to the Indian children. He was a proficient in mathematics, and well skilled in architecture. He rebuilt the College, of William and Mary. He was styled the Tubal Cain of Virginia, and was, indeed, the pioneer of iron manufacture in North America. Salmon, during the last century, says: Governor Spotswood improved the colony beyond imagination; his conduct produced wonders, and it was the happiness of Virginia that his administration was of a longer duration than usual, whereby he had an opportunity of putting in practice the prudent schemes he had laid. Governor Spotswood left in manuscript a historical account of Virginia during his administration, thus affording an unbroken line of five generations of authors bearing the s
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), State sovereignty-forgotten testimony. (search)
t all persons (inhabitants of the Colonies), who should disregard the agreement and act in violation thereof by publishing them in The Gazette, and by declaring that they should be deemed foes to the rights of British America, be regarded as unworthy the rights of freemen, and should be universally contemned as the foes of American liberty; and in the fourteenth article they resolved that they would have no trade, commerce, dealings, or intercourse whatever with any Colony or Province in North America, which shall not accede to or which shall hereafter violate this association. Although the articles of association were endorsed and adopted in some instances by colonial conventions; also by county meetings and lesser assemblages, they yet had not the sanctity and force of law, and nobody pretended that they had. They were merely the expression of a sentiment and a purpose that were entertained by a majority of the people of the Colonies, and an agreement, incapable of enforcement by l
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