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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,632 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 998 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 232 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 156 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 142 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 138 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 134 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 130 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 130 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Europe or search for Europe in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section first: Parentage and education. (search)
e was invited to the chair of a Professor in the institution. But, regarding all he had hitherto done as only preliminary to larger attainments, he unhesitatingly declined the honor. The learned Andrew Dunlap had before this written A Treatise on the Practice of the Courts of Admiralty in Civil Causes of Maritime Jurisdiction, but was prevented by illness from bringing it out. The editorship of it was committed to Mr. Sumner, who received from the author on his death-bed, the most unqualified and grateful praise for the manner in which he had performed his task. The young lawyer had now entered upon a brilliant career, with prospects that would have gratified the ambition of almost any other man. But with a loftier ambition, he threw up his practice, to visit Europe, where he could pursue his studies to greater advantage, and carefully survey the structure of society and government in the old world. Unrestricted in means, he could travel as far, or reside as long, as he pleased.
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section second: European Travels and studies. (search)
Travels and studies. Sails for Europe Travels and studies in France, Germany, Italy He sailed for England, with letters of introduction from Judge story and many distinguished Americans, to the most eminent jurists and public men of Europe. Judge story, in particular, had requested Lord Brougham. then Lord Chancellor, to afford him the means of witnessing most advantageously, the proceedings of the Courts of Westminster Hall, and observe the workings of the British Constitution i of the beautiful, and having an intense relish for society, he often said that it was impossible for him to give to ordinary persons anything like an adequate idea of the exquisite pleasure he experienced in studying Art in the best galleries of Europe, and enjoying the society of its most learned and gifted men and women. These few years he always looked back upon as the most useful and delightful of his life. He once said to me that the memory of those days often broke upon his mind like f
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
ed young patrician, the most atrocious blasphemy against God and the Constitution! And yet his great theme was The True Grandeur of Nations, and the burden of his oration was Peace,—an oration which Cobden, the most eloquent advocate of peace in Europe, pronounced the noblest contribution ever made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. But it gave offence to the magnates of the Whig Party in Massachusetts, since it was known that they were fast drifting, body and soul, into the embraces sting link in the golden chain of Human Progress. It is a part of the great Movement, under whose strong pulsations all Christendom now shakes from side to side. It is a cause, which, though long kept in check throughout our country, as also in Europe, now confronts the people and their rulers, demanding to be heard. It can no longer be avoided, or silenced. To every man in the land it now says, with clear penetrating voice, Are you for Freedom, or are you for slavery? And every man in the
brilliant and admired of her own long-descended aristocrats! What could not be tolerated, even in so plebeian a fanatic as Garrison, no longer than a rope could be thrown to a howling mob, rose when coming from the lips of the eloquent and travelled young patrician, the most atrocious blasphemy against God and the Constitution! And yet his great theme was The True Grandeur of Nations, and the burden of his oration was Peace,—an oration which Cobden, the most eloquent advocate of peace in Europe, pronounced the noblest contribution ever made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. But it gave offence to the magnates of the Whig Party in Massachusetts, since it was known that they were fast drifting, body and soul, into the embraces of the slave-power, which was demanding fresh aggressions upon the territory of Mexico, with a view to wrest from her some of her fairest possessions, to be devoted to the demon of human servitude. Mr. Sumner early foresaw that this would end in a c
divine in Religion, with all that is pure and noble in Morals, with all that is truly practical in Politics. Unlike the other questions, it is not temporary or local in its character. It belongs to all times, and to all countries. It is an everlasting link in the golden chain of Human Progress. It is a part of the great Movement, under whose strong pulsations all Christendom now shakes from side to side. It is a cause, which, though long kept in check throughout our country, as also in Europe, now confronts the people and their rulers, demanding to be heard. It can no longer be avoided, or silenced. To every man in the land it now says, with clear penetrating voice, Are you for Freedom, or are you for slavery? And every man in the land must answer this question when he votes. The next point to which attention was directed, was the Anti-slavery sentiments of the Founders of the Republic, where a plain recital of facts is given. At the period of the Declaration of Indepen
, it is a special outrage. In vain do we condemn the despotisms of Europe, while we borrow the rigors with which they repress Liberty, and gucture. According to the uniform admission of courts and jurists in Europe, again and again promulgated in our country, Slavery can be derivedple is not confined to the Church. A master of philosophy in early Europe, a name of intellectual renown, the eloquent Abelard, in Latin versmillions of copies of this speech circulated through America and in Europe by the journals, and in multiplied editions in large pamphlet form,d courage to the infant thunders of our navy—also upon those great European liberators, Kosciusko of Poland, and Lafayette of France, each of fear of man stronger than the fear of God. Lx. The opinion of Europe concerning Mr. Sumner was all one way. There, his high character an services were fully understood. There was no Pro-Slavery party in Europe, outside of Spain; nor throughout the whole civilized world, beyond
shonored—the Compromise, as explained and urged, is a curtailment of the actual powers of legislation, and a perpetual denial of the indisputable principle that the right to deliberate is co-extensive with the responsibility for an act. To sustain Slavery, it is now proposed to trample on free speech. In any country this would be grievous; but here, where the Constitution expressly provides against abridging freedom of speech, it is a special outrage. In vain do we condemn the despotisms of Europe, while we borrow the rigors with which they repress Liberty, and guard their own uncertain power. For myself, in no factious spirit, but solemnly and in loyalty to the Constitution, as a Senator of the United States, representing a free Commonwealth, I protest against this wrong. On Slavery, as on every other subject, I claim the right to be heard. That right I cannot, I will not abandon. Give me the liberty to know, to utter and to argue freely, above all liberties; these are the glowin
islation of Congress in pursuance thereof. I. And now for the true relations of the National Government to Slavery. These will be readily apparent, if we do not neglect well-established principles. If Slavery be national, if there be any power in the National Government to uphold this institution—as in the recent Slave Act—it must be by virtue of the Constitution. Nor can it be by mere inference, implication, or conjecture. According to the uniform admission of courts and jurists in Europe, again and again promulgated in our country, Slavery can be derived only from clear and special recognition. The state of Slavery, said Lord Mansfield, pronouncing judgment in the great case of Somersett, is of such a nature, that it is incapable of being introduced on any reasons moral or political, but only by positive law. It is so odious, that nothing can be suffered to support it but positive law. And a slaveholding tribunal,—the Supreme Court of Mississippi,—adopting the same princi
ing passive obedience. According to St. Augustine, an unjust law does not appear to be a law; lex esse non videtur quae justa non fuerit; and the great fathers of the Church, while adopting these words, declare openly that unjust laws are not binding. Sometimes they are called abuses, and not laws; sometimes violences, and not laws. And here again the conscience of each person is the final arbiter. But this lofty principle is not confined to the Church. A master of philosophy in early Europe, a name of intellectual renown, the eloquent Abelard, in Latin verses addressed to his son, has clearly expressed the universal injunction: Jussa potestatis terrenae discutienda Coelestis tibi mox perficienda scias. Siquis divinis jubeat contraria jussis Te contra Dominum pactio nulla trahat. The mandates of an earthly power are to be discussed; those of Heaven must at once be performed; nor can any agreement constrain us against God. Such is the rule of morals. Such, also, by the lips of
nd does all that is necessary to place our simple and entire design in its true light before the country, and before the world, and in the records of history. Although Mr. Wendell Phillips differed with Mr. Sumner on some points, he nevertheless wrote:—I have read your speech with envious admiration. It is admirable, both as a masterly argument, and a noble testimony that will endear you to thousands. There were some millions of copies of this speech circulated through America and in Europe by the journals, and in multiplied editions in large pamphlet form, both at home and abroad, to the extent of several hundred thousand copies. In his preface to the English edition of Uncle Tom's Cabin, Lord Carlisle associated Mr. Sumner's speech with that work, speaking of the closeness of its logic, and the masculine vigor of its eloquence. In a letter to the London Times, Lord Shaftesbury exclaimed, What noble eloquence! And the distinguished phrenologist, Mr. Combe, in a letter to a
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