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The Daily Dispatch: November 30, 1861., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2 2 0 Browse Search
Herodotus, The Histories (ed. A. D. Godley) 2 0 Browse Search
Isocrates, Speeches (ed. George Norlin) 2 0 Browse Search
Pausanias, Description of Greece 2 0 Browse Search
Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War 2 0 Browse Search
Flavius Josephus, Against Apion (ed. William Whiston, A.M.) 2 0 Browse Search
M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, for his house, Plancius, Sextius, Coelius, Milo, Ligarius, etc. (ed. C. D. Yonge) 2 0 Browse Search
M. Tullius Cicero, Orations, for his house, Plancius, Sextius, Coelius, Milo, Ligarius, etc. (ed. C. D. Yonge) 2 0 Browse Search
C. Valerius Catullus, Carmina (ed. Leonard C. Smithers) 2 0 Browse Search
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Polybius, Histories, book 3, Hannibal Takes Saguntum (search)
Hannibal besieges Saguntum. leading his army straight against Saguntum. This city is situated on the sea-ward foot of the mountain chain on which the frontiers of Iberia and Celtiberia converge, and is about seven stades from the sea. The district cultivated by its inhabitants is exceedingly productive, and has a soil superior to any in all Iberia. Under the walls of this town Hannibal pitched his camp and set energetically to work on the siege, foreseeing many advantages that would accrue if he could take it. Of these the first was that he would thereby disappoint the Romans in their expectation of making Iberia the seat of war: a second was that he wouldIberia the seat of war: a second was that he would thereby strike a general terror, which would render the already obedient tribes more submissive, and the still independent ones more cautious of offending him: but the greatest advantage of all was that thereby he would be able to push on his advance, without leaving an enemy on his rear. Besides these advantages, he calculated t
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Romans Demand Surrender of Hannibal (search)
having ever been made, and, if it had, as not being binding on them because made without their consent (and on this point they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, who in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms agreed upon and accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without their consent)—passing over this, they pressed with all the vehemence they could, throughout the discussion, the last treaty made in the Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that there was no clause relating to Iberia, but one expressly providing security for the allies of both parties to the treaty. Now, they pointed out that the Saguntines at that time were not allies of Rome, and therefore were not protected by the clause. To prove their point, they read the treaty more than once aloud. On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits; but that, that city having been treac
Polybius, Histories, book 3, The Fourth Treaty (search)
by the other. "Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any public building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the other, nor make any compact of friendship with the allies of the other. "The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the Romans two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand on the spot; and shall restore all prisoners, without ransom, to the Romans." Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, theFifth treaty, B. C. 238. Romans went so far as to pass a decree for war with Carthage, but eventually made a treaty to the following effect: "The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred talents." Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiatedSixth treaty, B. C. 228. with Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was stipulated that "the Carthaginians should not cross the Iber with arms." Such were the mutual obligations established between Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to that of Hannibal.
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Both Sides Are in the Wrong (search)
so, they argued that it was beyond controversy that Saguntum had accepted the protection of Rome, several years before the time of Hannibal. The strongest proof of this, and one which would not be contested by the Carthaginians themselves, was that, when political disturbances broke out at Saguntum, the people chose the Romans, and not the Carthaginians, as arbitrators to settle the dispute and restore their constitution, although the latter were close at hand and were already established in Iberia. I conclude, then, that if the destruction of Saguntum is toMutual provocation. be regarded as the cause of this war, the Carthaginians must be acknowledged to be in the wrong, both in view of the treaty of Lutatius, which secured immunity from attack for the allies of both parties, and in view of the treaty of Hasdrubal, which disabled the Carthaginians from passing the Iber with arms.Saguntum of course is south of the Iber, but the attack on it by Hannibal was a breach of the former of the
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Hannibal's Preparations (search)
es, with the view of their being prepared and vigorous for the next campaign. Secondly, he instructed his brother Hasdrubal in the management of his government in Iberia, and of the preparations to be made against Rome, in case he himself should be separated from him. Thirdly, he took precautions for the security of Libya, by selecting with prudent skill certain soldiers from the home army to come over to Iberia, and certain from the Iberian army to go to Libya; by which interchange he secured cordial feeling of confidence between the two armies. The Iberians sent to Libya were the Thersitae, the Mastiani, as well as the Oretes and Olcades, mustering togetnd foot also into Carthage, to serve at once as hostages for the fidelity of their country, and as an additional guard for the city. With his brother Hasdrubal in Iberia he left fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five triremes, thirty-two of the quinqueremes being furnished with crews, and all five of the triremes; also cava
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Hannibal Contacts the Celts (search)
Hannibal Contacts the Celts Though Hannibal had taken every precaution for the security of Libya and Iberia, he yet waited for the messengers whom he expected to arrive from the Celts. He had thoroughly acquainted himself with the fertility and populousness of the districts at the foot of the Alps and in the valley of the Padus, as well as with the warlike courage of the men; but most important of all, with their hostile feelings to Rome derived from the previous war, which I described in my last book, with the express purpose of enabling my readers to follow my narrative. He therefore reckoned very much on the chance of their co-operation; and was careful to send messages to the chiefs of the Celts, whether dwelling actually on the Alps or on the Italian side of them, with unlimited promises; because he believed that he would be able to confine the war against Rome to Italy, if he could make his way through the intervening difficulties to these parts, and avail himself of the active
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Three Geographic Divisions of the World (search)
pect to both of these lies to the north facing them, and extending continuously from east to west. Its most important and extensive part lies under the northern sky between the river Don and the Narbo, which is only a short distance west of Marseilles and the mouths by which the Rhone discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea. From Narbo is the district occupied by the Celts as far as the Pyrenees, stretching continuously from the Mediterranean to the Mare Externum. The rest of Europe south of the Pyrenees, to the point where it approaches the Pillars of Hercules, is bounded on one side by the Mediterranean, on the other by the Mare Externum: and that part of it which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules is called Iberia, while the part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, because it has but recently been discovered, and is inhabited entirely by barbarous tribes, who are very numerous, and of whom I will speak in more detail hereafter.
Polybius, Histories, book 3, The Length of Hannibal's March (search)
ppearance of the altars (Strabo, 3.5.5-6). opposite the Great Syrtis, to the Pillars of Hercules, a seaboard of over sixteen thousand stades. They had also crossed the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, and got possession of the whole seaboard of Iberia on the Mediterranean as far as the Pyrenees, which separate the Iberes from the Celts—that is, for a distance of about eight thousand stades: for it is three thousand from the Pillars to New Carthage, from which Hannibal started for Italy; two th twelve hundred stades, which being crossed would bring him into the plains of the Padus in Italy. So that the whole length of his march from New Carthage was about nine thousand stades, or 1125 Roman miles. Of the country he had thus to traverse he had already passed almost half in mere distance, but in the difficulties the greater part of his task was still before him. Coss. P. Cornelius Scipio and Tib. Sempronius Longus. B. C. 218. The Consuls are sent, one to Spain, and the other to Afric
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Gauls Attack the Military Colonies (search)
Gauls Attack the Military Colonies While Hannibal was thus engaged in effecting a passage over the Pyrenees, where he was greatly alarmed at the extraordinary strength of the positions occupied by the Celts; the Romans, having heard the result of the embassy to Carthage, and that Hannibal had crossed the Iber earlier than they expected, at the head of an army, voted to send Publius Cornelius Scipio with his legions into Iberia, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus into Libya. And while the Consuls were engaged in hastening on the enrolment of their legions and other military preparations, the people were active in bringing to completion the colonies which they had already voted to send into Gaul. They accordingly caused the fortification of these towns to be energetically pushed on, and ordered the colonists to be in residence within thirty days: six thousand having been assigned to each colony. Placentia and Cremona. One of these colonies was on the south bank of the Padus, and was called
Polybius, Histories, book 3, The Consuls Set Out to Iberia and Libya (search)
The Consuls Set Out to Iberia and Libya Such was the state of Celtic affairs from the beginning to the arrival of Hannibal; thus completing the course of events which I have already had occasion to describe. Meanwhile the Consuls, having completed the necessaryTiberius Sempronius prepares to attack Carthage. preparations for their respective missions, set sail at the beginning of summer—Publius to Iberia, with sixty ships, and Tiberius Sempronius to Libya, with a hundred and sixty quinqueremes.Iberia, with sixty ships, and Tiberius Sempronius to Libya, with a hundred and sixty quinqueremes. The latter thought by means of this great fleet to strike terror into the enemy; and made vast preparations at Lilybaeum, collecting fresh troops wherever he could get them, as though with the view of at once blockading Carthage itself. Publius Cornelius coasted along Liguria, and crossing inPublius Scipio lands near Marseilles. five days from Pisae to Marseilles, dropped anchor at the most eastern mouth of the Rhone, called the Mouth of Marseilles,Pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare decurrit
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