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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,404 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 200 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 188 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 184 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 174 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 166 0 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 164 0 Browse Search
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant 132 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 100 0 Browse Search
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion 100 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) or search for Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
anding fresh aggressions upon the territory of Mexico, with a view to wrest from her some of her faif Congress, that By the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that governmentver since the establishment of the Republic of Mexico, in 1824, she had been an unjust and injurious of Texas, which took place July 4, 1845, gave Mexico a full justification, in her opinion, for comm that war exists by the act of the Republic of Mexico. This statement of brazen falsehood is insert the condemnation of this murderous war, until Mexico, wet with blood unjustly shed, shall repose une of waging an unnecessary and unjust war with Mexico—of the mothers, wives, and sisters compelled td States as slave-catchers. It wrested from Mexico the Province of Texas in order to extend Slaveels, Frankfort, Madrid, Lisbon, Naples, Chili, Mexico, is now confided to persons from Slave-holdinger von Humboldt, in speaking of the negroes in Mexico, has characterized them as a Caste, and a rece[13 more...]
And yet his great theme was The True Grandeur of Nations, and the burden of his oration was Peace,—an oration which Cobden, the most eloquent advocate of peace in Europe, pronounced the noblest contribution ever made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. But it gave offence to the magnates of the Whig Party in Massachusetts, since it was known that they were fast drifting, body and soul, into the embraces of the slave-power, which was demanding fresh aggressions upon the territory of Mexico, with a view to wrest from her some of her fairest possessions, to be devoted to the demon of human servitude. Mr. Sumner early foresaw that this would end in a collision with our sister republic, and which, under the dictation of the slave oligarchy, would be attended with outrages and injustice. The Whigs had been greatly weakened by the death of Harrison, and the wavering policy, and final defection of John Tyler; and the Democrats, preparing to regain their lost power, were also ready
Ii. In this oration, Mr. Sumner uttered the memorable declaration which went through the world:—In our age, there can be no peace that is not honorable; there can be no war that is not dishonorable. We shall give no space here to any part of that oration, since other speeches on the same subject were elicited by subsequent occasions, when his prophecies were fast becoming history, by the anticipations of war with Mexico being turned into the most active hostilities. But a careful reading of that oration, which marked Mr. Sumner's first appearance before the country as a public man, will satisfy any student of his Speeches, that on this Fourth of July, 1844, he gave clear indications of the policy he was to pursue in future life. Nor could a prophet have marked out with greater clearness, than the historian could afterwards, the course Mr. Sumner would take in whatever crisis might arise, involving the fortunes of freedom, or of peace, in the coming struggles of parties. Ano
lts and exiles from its jurisdiction the honored representatives of Massachusetts, who seek, as messengers of the Commonwealth, to secure for her colored citizens the peaceful safeguard of the laws of the Union. It not only uses the Constitution for its purposes, but abuses it also. It violates the Constitution at pleasure, to build up new slaveholding States. It seeks perpetually to widen its area, while professing to extend the area of freedom. It has brought upon the country war with Mexico, with its enormous expenditures, and more enormous guilt. By the spirit of union among its supporters, it controls the affairs of government; interferes with the cherished interests of the North, enforcing and then refusing protection to her manufactures; makes and unmakes presidents; usurps to itself the larger portion of all offices of honor and profit, both in the army and navy, and also in the civil department; and stamps upon our whole country the character, before the world, of that m
ay, 1846, a resolution was passed by both Houses of Congress, that By the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States, and the President was auth after a joint resolution for the admission of Texas as a State into the Union, a collision with Mexico had become inevitable. It was alleged that no blame could be attached to the United States, for the war which followed, for several reasons; first of all, after Santa Anna, the dictator of Mexico, had been captured on the field of San Jacinto, he had recognized the independence of Texas, after political alliances and relations; second, that ever since the establishment of the Republic of Mexico, in 1824, she had been an unjust and injurious neighbor—that her treasury was replenished by plut of these claims having been made, the annexation of Texas, which took place July 4, 1845, gave Mexico a full justification, in her opinion, for commencing hostilities. The war promised to be popu
, at immense cost of money, and without any gain of character, is now disturbing the commerce of Mexico, and of the civilized world, by the blockade of Vera Cruz. It is by virtue of this Act, that a to substantiate this point. Third. It declares that war exists by the act of the Republic of Mexico. This statement of brazen falsehood is inserted in the front of the Act. But it is now admitted not of what you have called, in your speeches, An honorable peace. There can be no peace with Mexico which will not be more honorable than this war. Every fresh victory is a fresh dishonor. Unquestionably, you have strangely said, We must not forget that Mexico must be willing to negotiate! No! No! Mr. Winthrop. We are not to wait for Mexico. Her consent is not needed; nor is it to be asked,Mexico. Her consent is not needed; nor is it to be asked, by a Christian statesman, while our armies are defiling her soil by their aggressive footsteps. She is passive. We alone are active. Stop the war. Withdraw our forces. In the words of Colonel Washi
them! * * The true Whig ground, the only ground, consistent with our professed loyalty to the higher sentiments of duty, is constant uncompromising opposition to the war, in all the forms in which opposition may be made. Expecting right from Mexico, we must begin by doing right. We are the aggressors. We must cease to be the aggressors. This is the proper course of duty, having its foundations in the immutable laws of God. Our country must do as an individual in similar circumstances; It will help to awaken and organize that powerful public opinion by which this war will at last be arrested. Hang out, then, fellow-citizens, the white banner of Peace. Unfurl all its ample folds, streaming with Christian trophies. Let the citizens of Boston rally about it; and let it be borne by an enlightened, conscientious people, aroused to the condemnation of this murderous war, until Mexico, wet with blood unjustly shed, shall repose undisturbed at last beneath its celestial folds.
Ix. The war with Mexico had ended in the conquest of that country, and the annexation of just as large a portion of its territory as we saw fit to demand. The extension of our republic to the Pacific Ocean, with the vast domain thus acquired, wause of Slavery. Among the most important of these is the Missouri Compromise, the Annexation of Texas, and the War with Mexico. Mindful of the sanctions, which Slavery derived under the Constitution—from the Missouri Compromise—of the fraud and iniquity of the Annexation of Texas—and of the great crime of waging an unnecessary and unjust war with Mexico—of the mothers, wives, and sisters compelled to mourn sons, husbands, and brothers, untimely slain,—as these things, dark, dismal, atrocious,e shores of the Pacific; to cross the Rio Grande, and there, in broad territories, recently obtained by robber hands from Mexico, to plant a shameful institution, which that republic has expressly abolished. * * And now the question occurs, Wha
carried on a most expensive war in Florida, mainly to recover fugitive slaves, thus employing the army of the United States as slave-catchers. It wrested from Mexico the Province of Texas in order to extend Slavery, and triumphing over all opposition, finally secured its admission into the Union with a Constitution making Slavery perpetual. It next plunged the country in war with Mexico, in order to gain new lands for Slavery. With the meanness, as well as the insolence of tyranny, it has compelled the Federal Government to abstain from acknowledging the neighbor republic of Hayti, where slaves have become freemen, and established an independentt presides over all. The diplomatic representation of the country at Paris, St. Petersburg, Vienna, the Hague, Brussels, Frankfort, Madrid, Lisbon, Naples, Chili, Mexico, is now confided to persons from Slave-holding States; and at Rome, our Republic is represented by the son of the great adversary of the Wilmot Proviso, and in Be
to understand its full force. A recent English writer on the subject says, that it is not only a distinction by birth, but is founded on the doctrine of an essentially distinct origin of the different races, which are thus unalterably separated. (Roberts on Caste, p. 134.) This is the very ground of the Boston School Committee. But this word is not now applied for the first time to the distinction between the white and black races. Alexander von Humboldt, in speaking of the negroes in Mexico, has characterized them as a Caste, and a recent political and juridical writer of France has used the same term to denote, not only the distinctions in India, but those of our own country. (Charles Comte, Traite de Legislation, tom. 4, pp. 129, 445.) In the course of his remarks, he refers to the exclusion of colored children from the Public Schools, as among the humiliating and brutal distinctions by which their caste is characterized. It is, then, on authority and reason, that we apply
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