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The Daily Dispatch: April 4, 1861., [Electronic resource], article 1 (search)
eral Relations. Mr. Nelson, of Clark, said that, with the permission of the gentleman from Fauquier, (who was entitled to the floor,) he would make a further correction of the report of his remarlemus Yellowlegs. He hoped he would be at last set right before the public. Mr. Scott, of Fauquier, being entitled to the floor, said if the Committee had confined itself to the discussion of thstruck at their vital existence. Mr. Hall, of Wetzel, desired to inform the gentleman from Fauquier that he was mistaken as to the important points of trade for the West. The most important poinroper time himself, if he had the lungs to do so. While up, he would correct the gentleman from Fauquier in his assertion that there was not our member who, in debate here, or in the Committee of Twenome remarks were made by the Chairman to the effect that he did not consider the gentleman from Fauquier as impugning the motive of any particular member; had he done so, he would have called him to o
The Daily Dispatch: April 4, 1861., [Electronic resource], From the South. (search)
The Convention. Mr. Stuart, of Doddridge, continued the debate yesterday morning in favor of an ad valorem tax upon negroes; after which the Convention went into Committee of the Whole, and Mr. Scott, of Fauquier, took the floor, and held it until the recess, in an argument in favor of the Border Conference, which, in the event of a failure to received favorable responses from the Northern States, would, he conceived, bring about a peaceable solution of the pending difficulties, and an eventual reconstruction of the Union. In the afternoon Mr. Richardson, of Hanover, made a good argument in favor of immediate secession.
The Daily Dispatch: April 4, 1861., [Electronic resource], Evening session. (search)
ined, he would have the Union as strong as Virginia could make it.--He had little hope of any adjustment that would bring the North into a position to do justice to the South. It was a forcible argument in favor of immediate action, that while we were waiting, the whole business of the country was prostrate, under the uncertainty of the future. He thought the State should at once place herself in a position of security in the house of her friends. He did not agree with the gentleman from Fauquier, that secession would be a measure of war; for every movement that strengthened the hands of the South, would be another barrier to any attempt at coercion. The separation of the Southern States, he feared, was eternal; for unless the abolitionists entirely abandoned their position, it would not be difficult to demonstrate the utter hopelessness of a reconstruction. He drew a contrast between the Constitution of the Southern Confederacy and the oppressive and odious legislation of the