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The Daily Dispatch: August 31, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: July 9, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
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argest estates, and lords as well as commoners offered themselves at market; so that if America, said Franklin, would save for three or four years the noney she spends in the fashions and fineries and fopperies of this country, she might buy the whole parliament, ministry and all. In the general venality, Edmund Burke was displaced. Lord Varney, who had hitherto gratuitously brought him into parliament, had fallen into debt, and instead of carrying along his investment in the chance of Rockingham's return to the ministry, he turned his back on deferred hopes and friendship, and pocketed for his borough the most cash he could get. Burke next coquetted with Wilkes for support at Westminster; but the great patriot preferred Lord Mahon. Wilkes has touched Lord Mahon's money, and desires to extort more by stirring up a multitude of candidates, said Burke, in the fretful hallucinations of his chagrin; while, in fact, the influence of Wilkes was of no avail; Westminster shared the prev
, and derive its chief importance from its aspect on parties in England. At the very moment when Burke was still fondly supporting his theory of the omnipotence of parliament over the colonies, he blindly insisted, that Chatham himself was the best bower anchor of the ministry. With far truer instincts, Chatham divined that peril was near, and that it could be averted only by a circumscription of the absolute power of parliament. To further that end, the aged statesman paid a visit to Rockingham. At its opening, Chatham's countenance beamed with cordiality; but Rockingham had learned as little as the ministers, and with a per- Chap. XVII.} 1774. Dec. verseness equal to theirs, insisted on maintaining the declaratory act. The Americans have not called for its repeal, was his reply to all objections; and he never could be made to comprehend the forbearance of congress. So nothing remained for Chatham but to rely on himself. The opposition, thus divided, excited no alarm. The
way, and repealed all Townshend's taxes except on tea. Of that duty Lord North maintained that it was no innovation, but a reduction of the ancient duty of a shilling a pound to one of threepence only; and that the change of the place where the duty was to be collected, was no more than a regulation of trade to prevent smuggling tea from Holland. The statement, so far as the tax was concerned, was unanswer- Chap. Xlviii} 1775. Aug. able; but the sting of the tax act lay in its preamble: Rockingham's declaratory act affirmed the power of parliament in all cases whatsoever; Townshend's preamble declared the expediency of using that power to raise a very large colonial revenue. Still collision was practically averted, for the Americans, in their desire for peace, gave up the importation of tea. No revenue, therefore, was collected; and by resolute self-denial, the colonies escaped the mark of the brand which was to show whose property they were. At this the king, against the opinio
Chapter 50: How George the Third Fared in his Bid for Russians. September, October—1775. the king's proclamation was a contemptuous defi- Chap. L.} 1775. Sept. ance of the opposition, alike of the party of Rockingham and the party of Chatham, as the instigators, correspondents, and accomplices of the American rebels. Party spirit was exasperated and embittered, and Rochford was heard repeatedly to foretell, that before the winter should pass over, heads would fall on the block. The king of England, said Wilkes, the lord mayor of London, in conversation at a public dinner, hates me; I have always despised him: the time is come to decide which of us understands the other best, and in what direction heads are to fall. The French statesmen who, with wonderful powers of penetration, analyzed the public men and their acts, but neither the institutions nor the people of England, complacently contrasted its seeming anarchy with their own happiness in living peacefully under a
el Adams proposed to take up the question of lengthening the time of enlistments, which had originally been limited from the hope of a speedy reconciliation. Some members would not yet admit the thought of a protracted war; some rested hope on Rockingham and Chatham; some wished first to ascertain the powers of the coming commissioners; some wished to wait for an explicit declaration from France; from the revolution of 1688 opposition to a standing army had been the watchword of liberty; the Neh of March a committee of the whole considered the propriety of authorizing the inhabitants of the colonies to fit out privateers. Again it appeared that there were those who still listened to the hope of relief Chap. LX.} 1776. Mar. through Rockingham, or of redress through the royal commissioners, though the act of parliament conferred on them no power but to pardon. On the other hand, Franklin wished that the measure should be preceded by a declaration of war, as of one independent nation
ear in startling distinctness in the speeches and conduct of Fox, who put all at hazard on the omnipotence of parliament, and yet excelled in the clear statement of the attitude of America. Both lay in irreconciled confusion in the politics of Rockingham, whose administration signalized itself by enacting the right of the king, lords, and commons of Britain to bind America in all cases whatsoever, and humanely refused to enforce the claim. The aristocratic party of liberty, organized on the pron unrepresented colonies. This was the first step in the renovation of English liberty. The next was, to recognise that parliament as then composed did not adequately represent the Chap. I.} 1778. nation; and statesmen of the connection of Rockingham desperately resisted both these cardinal principles of reform. This unyielding division among the opponents of Lord North prolonged his administration. Besides, many men of honest intentions, neither wishing to see English liberties impaire
announced its retirement, he proposed to the Earl of Shelburne to take the administration with Thurlow, Gower, and Weymouth, Camden, Grafton, and Rockingham. This Shelburne declined as absolutely impracticable, and from an equal regard to the quiet of the sovereign and the good of the country he urged that Rockingham might be sent for. The king could not prevail with himself to accept the advice, and he spoke discursively of his shattered health, his agitation of mind, his low opinion of Rockingham's understanding, his horror of Charles Fox, his preference of Shelburne as compared to the rest of the opposition. For a day 22. he contemplated calling in a number of principal persons, among whom Rockingham might be included; and when the many objections to such a measure were pointed out, he still refused to meet Rockingham face to face, and could not bring himself further than to receive him through the intervention of Shelburne. In this state of things the latter consented to be
Chapter 27: Rockingham's ministry Assents to American independence. 1782. the hatred of America as a self-existent state Chap. XXVII.} 1782. became every day more intense in Spain from the desperate weakness of her authority in her transatlantic possessions. Her rule was dreaded in them all; and, as even her allies confessed, with good reason. The seeds of rebellion were already sown in the vice-royalties of Buenos Ayres and Peru; and a union of Creoles and Indians might prove at any moment fatal to metropolitan dominion. French statesmen were of opinion that England, by emancipating Spanish America, might indemnify itself for all loss from the independence of a part of its own colonial empire; and they foresaw in such a revolution the greatest benefit to the commerce of their own country. Immense naval preparations had been made by the Bourbons for the conquest of Jamaica, but now from the fear of spreading the love of change Florida Blanca suppressed every wish to
nclusion, I again thank you for the honor you have thought proper to confer upon me, and hope that your action may redound to the good of the State and of the Union. the Convention then proceeded to elect a Secretary. Mr. Tredway, of Pittsylvania, nominated Stephen C. Whittle, of Powhatan, who was Secretary of the Constitutional Convention of 1850. Mr. Patrick, of Kanawha, nominated Green Peyton, of Albemarle. Mr. Barbour, of Jefferson, nominated Samuel. T. Walker, of Rockingham. Mr. Barbour, of Culpeper, nominated Zephaniah T. Turner, of Bappahannock. Mr. Southall, of Albemarie, seconded the nomination of Green Peyton, and urged his election. Mr. Moore, of Rockbridge, nominated John L. Eubank, of the city of Richmond. Mr. Garland, of Amherst, seconded the nomination of Mr. Eubank. Mr. Scott of Fauquier, seconded the nomination of Mr. Turner. Mr. Leare, of Goochland, nominated S. Bassett French, of Chesterfield. Mr. MacFARLANDarl
40. Henry E. Jennings, Halifax, Va. 41. R. Heber Goods, Bedford, Va. 42. J. McCabe Horner, Chesterfield. Va. 43. Cyrus Doggett. Jr., Gloucester, Va. 44. John B. Brumback, Page, Va. 45. H. H. Miller, Rockingham, Va. 46. J. Wilmer Tompkins, Albemarle, Va. 47. John W. Bruffy, Augusta, Va. 48. William M. Thomas, Tazewell, Va. 49. Virgil Weaver, Fauquier, Va. 50. Rev. J. W. Miller. Richmond city. 51. Thos. L. Ingram, Lunenburg, Va. 52. Wm. Z. Heggle, Rockingham, N. C. 53. B. F. Raines, Sussex, Va. 54. Mason G. Ellzey, Loudoun, Va. 55. Jos. H. Wade, Henry, Va. 56. Clayton G. Coleman, Jr., Louisa, Va. 57. James C. Balley, Pearson co., N. C. 58. Wm. C. Jones, Highland, Va. 59. Thos. J. Reid, Dallas co., Ark. Prof. McCaw then announced the names of the fortunate competitors for the Warren Prize, which had been divided into two parts, of $50 each. The first was awarded to Dr. Isaiah H. White, of York county, for an Essay on Ma
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