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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition. 138 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 102 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 101 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 30 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 24 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition. 24 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 21 3 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 16 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 14 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Carolina City (North Carolina, United States) or search for Carolina City (North Carolina, United States) in all documents.

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sign to several gentlemen in London, Who became liberal contributors and adventurers, three good ships were immediately provided; and, with these and one hundred men, Hawkins sailed to the coast of Guinea, where, by money, treachery, and force, he procured at least three hundred negroes, and now sold them at Hispaniola. --Ibid., p. 83. Ferdinand (in 1513) issued a decree declaring that the servitude of the Indians is warranted by the laws of God and man --Ibid., p.32. Every freeman of Carolina shall have absolute power and authority over his negro slaves, of what nation or religion whatsoever. --Locke's Fundamental Constitution for South Carolina. When, in 1607, the first abiding English colony — Virginia — was founded on the Atlantic coast of what is now our country, Negro Slavery, based on the African slavetrade, was more than a century old throughout Spanish and Portuguese America, and so had already acquired the stability and respectability of an institution. It was near
The Federalist, vol. i., p. 276. by embodying in the Constitution a proviso that Congress might interdict the foreign Slave-Trade after the expiration of twenty years--a term which, it was generally agreed, ought fully to satisfy the craving of Carolina and Georgia. The Encyclopoedia Britannica (latest edition — Art., Slavery) states that the African Slave-Trade was abolished by Great Britain, after years of ineffectual struggle under the lead of Granville Sharp, Thomas Clarkson, Wilberforcevious necessity. No one could pretend that there was any thing mutual in the obligation it sought to impose — that Massachusetts or New Hampshire was either anxious to secure the privilege of reclaiming her fugitive slaves who might escape into Carolina or Georgia, or had any desire to enter into reciprocal engagements to this end. Nor could any one gravely insist that the provision for the mutual rendition of slaves was essential to the completeness of the Federal pact. The old Confederation
ording to their pleasure. But, even in that case, it would be necessary that they should agree. One alone could not interpret it conclusively; one alone could not construe it; one alone could not modify it. Yet the gentleman's doctrine is, that Carolina alone may construe and interpret that compact, which equally binds all, and gives equal rights to all. So, then, Sir, even supposing the Constitution to be a compact between the States, the gentleman's doctrine, nevertheless, is not maintainaenforcement of which may devolve upon the executive. I claim no right to revise their acts. It will be my duty to execute them; and that duty I mean, to the utmost of my power, faithfully to perform. He proceeded: If the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her citizens, shed in her defense, I trust in Almighty God that no son of hers, native or adopted, who has been nourished at her bosom, or been cherished by her b
on, the better course will be to empower the Governor to take measures for assembling a Convention so soon as any one of the other Southern States shall, in his judgment, give satisfactory assurance or evidence of her determination to withdraw from the Union. In support of this proposition, Mr. Lesesne spoke ably and earnestly, but without effect. Cooperation had been tried in 1850-1, and had signally failed to achieve the darling purpose of a dissolution of the Union; so the rulers of Carolina opinion would have none of it in 1860. Still another effort was made in the House (November 7th), by Mr. Trenholm, of Charleston — long conspicuous in the councils of the State--who labored hard to make Cooperation look so much like Secession that one could with difficulty be distinguished from the other. His proposition was couched in the following terms: Resolved, That the Committee on the Military of the Senate and House of Representatives, be instructed to meet during the recess
and bring the Government to direct force, the feeling in Virginia would be very great. I trust in God it would bring her to your aid. But it would be wrong in me to deceive you by speaking certainly. I cannot express the deep mortification I have felt at her course this winter. But I do not believe that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of the popular feeling. In the East, at least, the great majority believe in the right of Secession, and feel the deepest sympathy with Carolina in opposition to measures which they regard as she does. But the west-Western Virginia--there is the rub! Only 60,000 slaves to 494,000 whites. Mr. Garnett counts the Valley (Shenandoah,) as a portion of Western Virginia. When I consider this fact, and the kind of argument which we have heard in this body, Mr. G. was then a member of a Virginia State Convention. I cannot but regard with the greatest fear, the question whether Virginia would assist Carolina in such an issue. Mr.