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ta, leaving only a thousand militia under Moultrie at Perrysburg. The British general had the choice between awaiting an attack, or invading the richest part of Carolina. His decision was for the side which April 28. promised booty. On the twenty-eighth of April, when the American army was distant five days march, General Prevavor of this unfortunate class of men. Two days later, the elder Laurens wrote to Washington: Had we arms for three thousand such black men as I could select in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving the British out of Georgia, and subduing East Florida before the end of July. To this Washington answered: The pon encounter by retreating to the islands. The Americans, for want of boats, could not prevent their embarkation, nor their establishing a post at Beaufort. The Carolina militia returned to their homes; Lincoln, left with but about eight hundred men, passed the great heats of summer at Sheldon. The invasion of South Carolina b
r families; and if they were inclined to take up arms, there was no American army around which they could rally. The attempt was now made to crush the spirit of independence in the heart of a people of courage and honor, to drive every man of Carolina into active service in the British army, and to force the dwellers in the land of the sun, which ripened passions as fierce as the clime, to become the instruments of their own subjection. On the twenty-second of May, confiscation of prop- 2ellion, went to that officer to surrender themselves under its provisions, he could only answer that he had no knowledge of its existence. On the third of June, Clinton, by a proclamation 3. which he alone signed, cut up British authority in Carolina by the roots. He required all the inhabitants of the province, even those outside of Charleston who were now prisoners on parole, to take an active part in securing the royal government. Should they neglect to return to their allegiance, so ra
d compassion, received commissions, gathered about them profligate ruffians, and roamed through Carolina, indulging in rapine, and ready to put patriots to death as outlaws. Cornwallis himself never unication with Ninety-Six. In the opinion of Clinton, six thousand men were required to hold Carolina and Georgia; yet at the end of June Cornwallis reported that he had put an end to all resistancned over the royal forces since the beginning of the year. The order by which all the men of Carolina were enrolled in the militia drove into the British service prisoners on parole, and all who hachard Henry Lee proposed to raise and send twenty-five hundred men to serve for three months in Carolina, and to be paid in tobacco, which had a real value. Major Nelson with sixty horse, and Colonelntry on the James river, consisted of no more than three hundred men; but they too were sent to Carolina before the end of the month. North Carolina made a requisition on Virginia for arms, and recei
s. Clinton, Cornwallis, 50. This display of the magnanimity of Virginia was due to its great advisers. Your state, wrote Washington to Jefferson, its governor, will experience more molestation in future; but the evils from these predatory incursions are not to be compared to the injury of the common cause. I am persuaded the attention to your immediate safety will not divert you from the measures intended to re-enforce the southern army. The late accession of force makes the enemy in Carolina too formidable to be resisted without powerful succors from Virginia. And he gave orders to Steuben: Make the defence of the state as little as possible interfere with the measures for succoring General Greene. Everything is to be apprehended if he is not powerfully supported from Virginia. Jefferson made the advice of Washington his rule of conduct, though accused in his own state of doing too much for the Carolinas. On the third day after the battle, Greene wrote to Washington: Virgin
er to protect forfeited the right to enforce allegiance. It was most impolitic; for it uprooted all remaining attachment of moderate men for the English government. It roused the women of Charleston to implacable defiance. The American army demanded retaliation; but after the departure of Rawdon there remained in South Carolina no British officer who would have repeated the act of revenge. His first excuse for the execution was that same order of Cornwallis which had filled the woods of Carolina with assassins. Feeling the act as a stain upon his name, he attempted at a later day, but only after the death of Balfour, to throw on that officer the blame that belonged especially to himself. The ship in which Rawdon embarked was captured by the French at sea, but his rights as a prisoner of war were Chap. XXIV.} 1781. Aug. respected. After a short rest, Greene moved his army from the hills of Santee in a roundabout way to attack the British at their post near the junction of the
f property was not equal to the loss in skirmishes on the route and from the heats of midsummer. From his camp on Malvern Hill, Lafayette urged Washington to march to Virginia in force, and he predicted in July that if a French fleet should enter Hampton roads the English army must surrender. In like manner, on the eighth of the same month, Cornwallis, in reply to Clinton, reasoned earnestly against a defensive post in the Chesapeake. It cannot have the smallest influence on the war in Carolina: it only gives us some acres of an unhealthy swamp, and is Chap. XXV.} 1781. July. for ever liable to become a prey to a foreign enemy with a temporary superiority at sea. Thoroughly disgusted with the aspect of affairs in Virginia, he asked leave to transfer the command to General-Leslie, and for himself to go back to Charleston. Meantime transport ships arrived in the Chesapeake: and, in a letter which he received on the twelfth, he was desired by his chief so to hasten the embarkatio
e before the Quebec act of 1774; and, lastly, a freedom of fishing off Newfoundland and elsewhere as in times past. Having already explained that nothing could be done for the loyalists by the United States, as their estates had been confiscated by laws of particular states which congress had no power to repeal, he further demonstrated that Great Britain had forfeited every right to intercede for them by its conduct and example; to which end he read to Oswald the orders of the British in Carolina for confiscating and selling the lands and property of all patriots under the direction of the military; and he declared definitively that, though the separate governments might show compassion where it was deserved, the American commissioners for peace could not make compensation of refugees a part of the treaty. Franklin recommended, but not as an ultimatum, a perfect reciprocity in regard to ships and trade. He further directed attention to the reckless destruction of American proper
unt can be laid at my Chap. XXIX.} 1782. Nov. door. Moreover, he thought so ill of its inhabitants, that it may not, he said, in the end be an evil that they will become aliens to this kingdom. In the general tremulousness among the ministers, Townshend and William Pitt remained true to Shelburne; and a third set of articles was prepared, to which these three alone gave their approval. There was no cavilling about boundaries. All the British posts on the Penobscot, at New York and in Carolina, at Niagara and at Detroit, were to be given up to the United States, and the country east of the Mississippi and north of Florida was acknowledged to be theirs. The article on the fishery contained arbitrary restrictions copied from former treaties with France; so that the Americans were not to take fish within fifteen leagues of Cape Breton, or within three leagues of any other British isle on the coast in America. Not only indemnity for the estates of the refugees, but for the propriet