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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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oom, than in the senate-chamber — it does not follow that other men with a more positive taste and talent for public employment, were either his moral or his intellectual inferiors. Moreover, if his political aspirations had been never so ardent, he entertained fatal opinions, which in the heat and hurry of his speech he continually betrayed. If he cared for any democracy, it was the old democracy of Athens. If he believed in any constitution, it was in the unwritten constitution of Great Britain. He sneered at the Declaration of Independence. He girded and jibed at the most limited alliance between humanity and politics. Slavery is the surest touchstone of political character at the present time, and the test was fatal to Mr. Choate. He thought to be enslaved was the best for the blacks, and that to enslave them was the best for the whites. The people of Massachusetts were not of his mind; but we will do him the justice to say, that for the opinion of the people of Massachu
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Slave-Holder's honor. (search)
unexceptionable pedigrees! Mr. Russell is already at the West, and will soon be again at the North. We can promise that in neither quarter will his letters be in danger. He may write them with the perfect assurance that they will go forward to their destination unopened, and of course unaltered. We may be fanatics, but we do not steal; we may be mere shop-keepers, but we do not tamper with the mails; we may be bigots, but no letters are opened in our Post-Offices as they are in those of England and Russia. The stercoraceous power of Slavery to develop all the cardinal virtues, has received another illustration. Seedy patriots of Alabama, very much in debt to the North, where distance from home lent an enchantment to their persons, and a power as of triple brass to their faces, feeling, when the miseries of maturity came upon them, at once a disinclination and a disability to meet their bills, have counseled with the Lord High Chancellor Dargan of their State as to the propriet
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), No Question before the House. (search)
petual torture and tension of anxiety, we must sometimes laugh though matters may be at the worst; $and the satirists of England have already taught us to laugh at the British House of Commons--a body with wonderful talent for impaling itself upon tMohammed, that such a decision will be made, and not before. Then, indeed, should a House of Commons yet remain in Great Britain, it will be perfectly proper if any member is old-fashioned enough to speak of international honor, for the Speaker the puzzling similitude of a policy; when we reflect that all the diplomacy of Downing Street cannot in this contest keep England in an affected posture of cold and unsympathizing neutrality forever; we confess that this shrinking from a sore subject but that moral countenance, the best gift that one great nation can bestow upon another, we have a right to expect from England; nor do we think it will be refused us by that portion of the nation the good will of which is best worth having. Jun
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The coming Despotism. (search)
part, we must confess to a tolerable degree of quietude. The newspaper press is its own champion aud watchful sentry; and it will take care for that liberty by the tenure of which it exists. The task is not, indeed, so hard a one as it was in England not many years ago, when Lord Eldon was accustomed to send to Newgate every editor who thought Bonaparte a better general than the Duke of York. In the advance of civilization, certain facts become philosophically settled; and among these is thments of a single ambitious and unscrupulous man? We have not undertaken war for the sake of war, nor would fifty years of fighting make it palatable to the national mind. The genius of our people is no more military than that of the people of England. We can fight but we prefer peace. Moreover, those who speculate in this loose way upon the future of the Republic, leave out one essential element of fair calculation. The loyal States are not in arms because they are eager for political nov
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Concerning Shirts. (search)
rple and fine linen! No more leathern conveniences! We may, indeed, fancy that ours will be the privilege, pitiable at the best, of going shirtless if we please, buttoning our coats to the chin, after a shabby genteel fashion. Not a bit of it. The eve of the Destroying Angel will pierce through broadcloth, and discover our deficiency in Cotton Shirts. The deduction of the Eternity of Slavery from the Necessity of Shirts is not a pleasant one, but we must take it as it comes. Once, in England, they used to put the case a little differently. There it was said that Man could not live by Bread alone, but must have Rum with Sugar in it. Then the formula ran-No Slaves, No Rum and Sugar. D — it, said honest John Bull, in that case, I will fall back upon my Beer and Brandy. This was easy to say, but when it comes to going without a Shirt, John recalcitrates. But, then, if Slavery cannot continue, is doomed and justly doomed by God and Man to extinction, what follows? Why, that w
ll Flanders, Jean d'arc, and the Maid of Saragossa, we begin this article! Now that Messrs. Mason and Slidell are given up, just, for all the world, like a pair of fugitive niggers, another vexatious question has arisen, viz: Did the lovely Miss Slidell, upon the deck of the Trent steamer, slap the face of the unfortunate Lieut Fairfax? Commander Williams, that gallant tar, who suffered such agonies on the occasion, was the recipient of a dinner of the public variety on his arrival in England. In his post-prandial speech, Commander Williams went at length into the above-mentioned question, and made one of those nice distinctions which would have been appreciated in a middle-age court of love and honor. Some of the papers, said this briny Bayard, described her as having slapped Mr. Fairfax's face. She did strike Mr. Fairfax-but she did not do it with the vulgarity of gesture which has been attributed to her. In her agony, she did strike him in the face three times. And what
lf absolutely obliged to do, and although, so far as we were wrong, we have made haste to offer every satisfaction, yet this wrong, venial at the worst, to a pair of slaveholders, has been sufficient utterly to abolish the Abolition sentiment of England. Out of sight at once goes bleeding Africa, and the poor blacks and emancipation; and this very England which two years ago was coddling American fugitives from Slavery, is now threatening so to interpose in this quarrel, that Slavery, in a faiEngland which two years ago was coddling American fugitives from Slavery, is now threatening so to interpose in this quarrel, that Slavery, in a fair way to be abolished if we are not meddled with, shall be a perpetuated nuisance and an eternal crime. What are we to make of this odd compound of selfishness and sympathy, of this penny-wise philanthropy, of this cheap pity, which subsides into indifference the moment it promises to cost a little more than an annual subscription of a couple of guineas? However, fault-finding in such a case as this should begin, like charity, at home. There is enough that is comically curious here without
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Prophecies and Probabilities. (search)
t American gentlemen, enthusiastic readers of Milton and Shakespeare, expected that, of course, England would sympathise with our Government, contending not only against treason, but against treason in behalf of human Slavery. They have been undeceived. They have been taught that with England the measure of success is the measure of morality. Very early in the contest which is now so rapidly t as effective as it is malicious, the credit of no nation could stand for a year And is it for England to assert and maintain the novel doctrine that a great national debt is tantamount to a great national bankruptcy?--for England, with a debt of her own so enormously large that no man has ever proposed any scheme for paying it without being pronounced mad? It is hardly in such a quarter that has always been as good, is as good to-day, and will be in the future as good as the credit of England; and we think that this is stating the case very mildly — while it is at this moment better tha
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Council of Thirty-five. (search)
n or peace, if schemes of Confiscation, Emancipation, and other unconstitutional measures, shall be enacted under the form of laws. The thirty-five gentlemen voted to print this rather than else thrilling opinion, for the benefit of mankind in general, and then the Thirty-five gentlemen broke camp and went back to their boarding-houses. There has n't been. anything politically more portentous since the Three Tailors of Tooley street issued their Proclamation, beginning, We, the people of England. Considering the great importance of this demonstration, it is to be regretted that Conservators did not, by some address more enlarged than a resolution, let us know by what process of reasoning they arrived at the conclusion that the Abolition of Slavery would forever bar the restoration of the Union. If we were inclined to be hypercritical, we might ask why these Representatives allow themselves to talk of the restoration of the Union at all? Do they consider that by any constitutio
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Constitution — not Conquest. (search)
uch longer in this world, should show such an inclination to talk about things which he does not understand. There may have been a time, before his present period of senility, when he may have comprehended the real political character of the American Union; but if so, that time has certainly gone by; and his Lordship babbled the other day at Scarborough in a way which would have been thought ridiculous in the most callous of Tories. He came, indeed, at last to the sensible conclusion that England and France have no right to interfere in American affairs; but in arriving at this point, he uttered the following extraordinary language: We find one part of the States fighting for separation and independence, and the other part struggling for conquest. The first clause of this proposition is undoubtedly true. The rebels, unquestionably, are fighting for independence, but it by no means follows, that they are entitled to it. We shall show, before we conclude, that they are not; but here
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